tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-82854339571481916222024-03-19T10:47:07.128+02:00In Defense of CommunismIn Defense of Communism- against capitalist exploitation and imperialist barbarity, for a socialist future. International Communist Movement, Workers, Communist Party, Europe, World, Greece, Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin, Soviet Union, Cuba, Revolution, historical materialism, Anticapitalist, capitalism, imperialism, capitalist, news, world, america, middle east, china, economy, russia, usa, britain, germany, france, spain, italy, syria, israel, palestine, venezuela, mexico, brazil, canadaUnknownnoreply@blogger.comBlogger3157125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8285433957148191622.post-73322554486684473362024-03-18T21:47:00.001+02:002024-03-18T21:49:22.543+02:00Would Putin endorse a Pinochet-like dictatorship in Russia? <div><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh_2_uiifcwRUcbjLrliQpxjyk1YUntYkt3k0iDDRzvmW64qsQMhTzm8YHyta-vBaCP-1rcs6Q4D4756NAFaAFEN4nHTBbJMlF7X-5uTQ_QOUqTF5U46fW5tE15hRRJ7S5iaLPru3-JUQ4sgnTXC9V-61GgXNu4yPOCUnQtuzRnJEigbMR1FnzK4tSM1DXv/s815/Putin%20on%20Pinochet%201993.png" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="570" data-original-width="815" height="295" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh_2_uiifcwRUcbjLrliQpxjyk1YUntYkt3k0iDDRzvmW64qsQMhTzm8YHyta-vBaCP-1rcs6Q4D4756NAFaAFEN4nHTBbJMlF7X-5uTQ_QOUqTF5U46fW5tE15hRRJ7S5iaLPru3-JUQ4sgnTXC9V-61GgXNu4yPOCUnQtuzRnJEigbMR1FnzK4tSM1DXv/w434-h295/Putin%20on%20Pinochet%201993.png" width="434" /></a></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b>Russian</b> President <a href="http://www.idcommunism.com/search/label/Vladimir%20Putin" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin</span></a> has been re-elected for a fifth term with a record <b>87%</b> of the vote thus reaffirming his <b>indisputable dominance</b> in the country's political arena. </span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"> </span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The Russian elections took place in the midst of the <a href="http://www.idcommunism.com/search/label/Ukraine%20War" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">imperialist war in Ukraine</span></a> and while the government <b>has silenced any political power that opposes</b> the “Special Military Operation”. Therefore, there <b>couldn't be any presidential candidate who would express a different view</b> concerning the strategic choices of Putin's government. The President's<b> “opponents”</b>, including Nikolai Kharitonov of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF), <b>were all lined up behind the Kremlin's strategy.</b></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b> </b></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b><span><a name='more'></a></span></b></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Putin's history as a <b>political offspring</b> of <b>counterrevolutionaries</b> like Mikhail <b>Gorbachev </b>and Boris<b> Yeltsin</b> is well known and so are his anti-communist views. Less known is, however, that, 30 years ago, capitalist Russia's undisputed Tsar had expressed his support for one of the most ruthless fascist regimes of the 20th Century: <b>Pinochet's dictatorship in Chile. </b></span><br /><br /><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://ilgridodelpopolo.com/%d0%bf%d1%83%d1%82%d0%b8%d0%bd-%d0%bf%d0%b8%d0%bd%d0%be%d1%87%d0%b5%d1%82-%d0%b7%d0%b0%d0%bc%d0%b5%d0%b4%d0%bb%d0%b5%d0%bd%d0%bd%d0%be%d0%b3%d0%be-%d0%b4%d0%b5%d0%b9%d1%81%d1%82%d0%b2%d0%b8%d1%8f/" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">Alyona Agheeva reminded us</span></a> of an interesting report published in “Westdeutscher Rundfunk” (West German Broadcasting- WDR) in December 1993, just a few years after the counterrevolutionary events that led to the dissolution of the Soviet Union. <b>Among others, the report was stressing out:</b></span><br /><br /><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">“St. Petersburg. 1993 Vladimir Putin, deputy mayor of St. Petersburg and chairman of the international relations committee of the city of six million, has made it clear to German business representatives that a military dictatorship on the Chilean model would be a desirable solution to Russia’s current political problems. This was reported by WDR in the TV program “Aufbruch nach Osten”. Putin answered questions from representatives of BASF, Dresdner Bank, Alcatel and others gathered at the former Consulate General of the GDR in St. Petersburg. Putin distinguished between “necessary” and “criminal” violence. Political violence is criminal if it is aimed at eliminating the conditions of a market economy, “necessary” if it encourages or protects private investment. In view of the difficult path of the private sector, he, Putin, clearly approves of any preparations by Yeltsin and the military to establish a dictatorship along the lines of Pinochet. Putin’s speech was met with friendly applause from both representatives of the German company and the Deputy Consul General of the Federal Republic of Germany who was present” (“St. Petersburg politicians want dictatorship: Pinochet as a model.” WDR, 12/31/1993).</span></div><p></p><h1 class="style-scope ytd-watch-metadata" style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><span style="font-size: large;">Putin endorses Pinochet dictatorship in Russia (1993)</span></span></h1><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="318" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/oaOqC_OPxqY" width="593" youtube-src-id="oaOqC_OPxqY"></iframe></span></div><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><br /></span></div><span><!--more--></span><span><!--more--></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Concerning Putin's 1993 remarks, Agheeva stresses out among others: “As we see, in the 1990s, the future Russian leader admired Augusto Pinochet and openly supported all the initiatives of then President Boris Yeltsin in the field of direct state terror and violence, “if it encourages or protects private investment.” Being the deputy mayor of St. Petersburg, V.V. Putin directly recommends that President Yeltsin’s office and post-Soviet security forces follow the example of the Pinochet dictatorship in order to quickly and effectively overcome the “difficult path of the private sector” by the future bourgeois class of Russia […] In 1993, Putin’s imagined Chilean-style dictatorship was still many years away. V.V. Putin still had to finish what Yeltsin started and finally establish the dictatorship of finance capital on the fragments of the socialist state […] It is worth noting that at the above briefing, the future president of Russia not only voices his political guidelines, he also directly articulates the justification for the fact that literally two months before this statement, Boris Yeltsin gave orders to shoot from tanks and automatic firearms the House of Soviets in Moscow and hundreds of thousands of citizens who took to the streets to defend it, wanting to show active distrust of the first capitalist government” (ilgridodelpopolo.com). </span><br /><br /><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b>There should be no illusions whatsoever about Vladimir Putin's political ideology. </b>As we pointed out before, he is an offspring of the counterrevolution and a representative of the most offensive <b>Russian imperialism</b>. He himself has publicly expressed his admiration for <b>Ivan Alexandrovich Ilyin</b>, a prominent Russian ideologue of fascism, as well as for <b>fascist novelist</b> <a href="http://www.idcommunism.com/2016/08/solzhenitsyn-rotten-legacy-of-fascist.html" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn</span></a>. Following Yeltsin's legacy, Putin has officially adopted the <b>Nazi narrative on the Katyn massacre</b>, blaming Stalin and the Soviet Union while, at the same time, he has used the well-known<b> “western” slanders</b> against the Soviet Union and its leaders: “Totalitarian regime”, “Stalinist dictatorship”, “Red oppression”, etc. </span><br /><br /><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Those <b>self-proclaimed “communist” forces</b> in Russia and elsewhere in the world which, under the <b>false pretexts</b> of the “war against NATO”, “denazification of Ukraine”, etc, continue supporting Putin's reactionary regime, <b>bear immense responsibility</b> and will be, sooner or later, reap the fruits of their flagrant <b>anti-marxist and anti-leninist stance. </b></span></div><p></p><div style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span><span><span><b> </b><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><span><span><span><span><span><span><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><span><span><span><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span style="font-family: Work Sans;"><b><span face="Verdana, sans-serif"><a href="http://www.idcommunism.com/" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">IN DEFENSE OF COMMUNISM</span></a> </span></b><span face="Verdana, sans-serif"><span style="background-color: white;">©</span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span><span><span style="font-family: Raleway;"> </span></span></span></span></span></div><div style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span><span><span><span style="font-family: Raleway;"> </span></span></span></span></span></div><div style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span><span><span><span style="font-family: Raleway;"> </span></span></span></span></span></div><div style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span><span><span><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><u>Also Read</u>:</span></span></span></span></span></div><div style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span><span><span><span style="font-family: Raleway;"> </span></span></span></span></span></div><div style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span><span><span><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><b><a href="http://www.idcommunism.com/2024/02/putin-and-unbearable-hypocrisy-of-the-west.html" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">Putin and the unbearable hypocrisy of the West</span> <br /></a></b></span></span></span></span></span></div><div style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span><span><span><span style="font-family: Raleway;"> </span></span></span></span></span></div><div style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span><span><span><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.idcommunism.com/2024/02/putin-and-unbearable-hypocrisy-of-the-west.html" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="566" data-original-width="900" height="251" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhEeWUfSb7cuycqQAEcs6zk1tAEjS2GsS7JQ-Cmx2h0lH5BS9z9APmdiguZJ-48GBK584mhFCbXd0cn0BbwHgxcIrWLJ1x5ly78grVnj2UPTSmehpBTDyarPYUbpeDzf0mx1mXvSRTw77_FfGbjDGW7cTcJMCbUNWNUkVtkncbOv9u_izEefsCKgs4AMMSR/w414-h251/Putin%20and%20the%20unbearable%20hypocrisy%20of%20the%20West-down.jpg" width="414" /></a></div></span></span></span></span></span></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8285433957148191622.post-61976431892786853132024-03-16T11:04:00.002+02:002024-03-16T11:17:23.401+02:00100th anniversary of El Machete, the newspaper of Mexico's communists<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;"></span></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhEqnGx3fNThNLSS-YJnIzQLpqLLDqqsfhjrq07CrUGmlTg67Gzp3faoZxHeGm1wMKYnYrQI9nUv_UVEJn58xChD5XzVilFyuA4co9RqdT54OcrU_Pnb6oQG8I8F48XJwYDBO_WaSPxG4nofRdchCjw8HyjYzAaQ-SZ8IfVwtq2kmnWgZhiGSU2U0joCR3i/s998/100%20anos%20el%20machete%20mexico.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="716" data-original-width="998" height="288" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhEqnGx3fNThNLSS-YJnIzQLpqLLDqqsfhjrq07CrUGmlTg67Gzp3faoZxHeGm1wMKYnYrQI9nUv_UVEJn58xChD5XzVilFyuA4co9RqdT54OcrU_Pnb6oQG8I8F48XJwYDBO_WaSPxG4nofRdchCjw8HyjYzAaQ-SZ8IfVwtq2kmnWgZhiGSU2U0joCR3i/w423-h288/100%20anos%20el%20machete%20mexico.jpg" width="423" /></a></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The 15th of March 2024 marks the 100th anniversary of the first issue of "<a href="https://elmachete.mx" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">El Machete</span></a>", the official gazette of the <a href="http://www.idcommunism.com/search/label/PCM" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">Communist Party of Mexico</span></a> (Partido Comunista of Mexico). The historic newspaper was born as the organ of the Union of Technical Workers, Painters and Sculptors of Mexico, members of which were Diego Rivera, David Alfaro Siqueiros, José Cle Orozco and Xavier Guerrero. </span></div><p></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">On May 1, 1925, El Machete became the Central Organ of the Communist Party, Mexican Section of the Communist International, thus becoming a tool for the organization of the Party and the working class under the conception.Marxist-Leninist of the revolutionary press.</span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><span></span></span></span></p><a name='more'></a><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">Throughout the years, the pages of El Machete reflected the daily struggle of the working class, the trade union movement, the precarious and repression that workers suffered, the struggles of working women and the organizational advances of the PCM. In addition, the principle of proletarian internationalism was illuminated, with information on the advances of socialism in the Soviet Union, the activities of the Communist International member parties and reporting the struggles of the communists in other parts of the world such as the Spanish Civil War.</span></span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">The Machete also showed that the work of the communists among the working class is carried out under all the conditions of struggle, as it continued to be published even under the repression of the government of Plutarco Elías Calles and the governments of the maxim - that outlawed the activities of the PCM and the circulation of its newspaper, which involved the publication of the Machete clandestinely between 1929 and 1936.</span></span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">Honoring the struggle experience of the working class of Mexico and the communists of the 20th century, on May 1, 2021, the Communist Party of Mexico (CPM) decided to recover the name of El Machete for the publication of the organ of the Central Committee.</span></span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">Today, 100 years since the publication of the 1st issue of El Machete, Mexican communists pay tribute to the militants who made possible the existence of El Machete, both to its founders, to those who followed, to the workers and peasants who wrote in their pages and to those who passed from hand in hand to the newspaper to forge rebellion. </span></span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">100 years later, we commemorate the newspaper of the working class and the communists of Mexico, which was an example of struggle, a tool to organize and combat the exploiters, and which is today an inexhaustible collection of experiences political lessons that contribute to the emancipation of exploitation in capitalism of the struggle against its exploiters.</span></span></div><span style="font-size: medium;"><span><!--more--></span></span><p></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><b>¡Viva El Machete! ¡Viva el Partido Comunista de México!</b></span></span></p><p style="text-align: right;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">Info from <a href="https://elmachete.mx/index.php/2024/03/15/a-100-anos-de-el-machete/"><span style="color: #cc0000;">elmachete.mx</span></a> <br /></span></span></p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8285433957148191622.post-31845109882376684692024-03-15T20:42:00.003+02:002024-03-15T20:45:41.550+02:00Aleka Papariga — Lenin on the role of the revolutionary vanguard, the Communist Party<p style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhFxVoIk-eG87JTysDWLOIrGkx75rrMGj6J2MYcFX09tQ7Mz-_2DCHvZ44DqCf9czSrFBKATu6-i4HVZcIbflP48-2hkMREVz0Tqg3GBTQmpnGnLz0QA6swEkz3wRDF4eJklb6PeJI-alGBo25qgo-coE8MbZdI-pQwN99M-gyLYlwvIZXY08bVyEnzbOxn/s1151/papariga%20archive.jpg" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="768" data-original-width="1151" height="284" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhFxVoIk-eG87JTysDWLOIrGkx75rrMGj6J2MYcFX09tQ7Mz-_2DCHvZ44DqCf9czSrFBKATu6-i4HVZcIbflP48-2hkMREVz0Tqg3GBTQmpnGnLz0QA6swEkz3wRDF4eJklb6PeJI-alGBo25qgo-coE8MbZdI-pQwN99M-gyLYlwvIZXY08bVyEnzbOxn/w432-h284/papariga%20archive.jpg" width="432" /></a></span></div><div style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">By <b>Nikos Mottas. </b></span><br /></div><div><p></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">On the occasion of the <b><a href="http://www.idcommunism.com/search/label/100th%20death%20anniversary%20of%20Vladimir%20Lenin" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">100th anniversary of Vladimir Ilyich Lenin's death</span></a></b>, an important event titled “Lenin on the role of the revolutionary vanguard, the Communist Party” was organized on Wednesday 13 March in the fully-packed “Studio” cinema, in the heart of Athens. </span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The keynote speaker was Aleka Papariga, the former General Secretary of the Central Committee of the <a href="http://www.idcommunism.com/search/label/KKE" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">Communist Party of Greece</span></a> (KKE), former MP and currently member of the CC. The speech was followed by the screening of the 1937 Mikhail Romm classic film “<a href="https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0029132/" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">Lenin in October</span></a>”. </span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><span></span></span></p><a name='more'></a><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Beginning her speech, on the occasion of the film that followed, Papariga underlined that the surrounding atmosphere during the October Revolution “proves that the Bolshevik party, the leading revolutionary forces were ideologically, politically, organizationally well prepared”. She noted that the personalities of Marx, Engels and Lenin were “extraordinary geniuses” but if the evaluation of their contribution is made by merely highlighting their personalities then “we would be imitating the bourgeois historians and politicians who, referring to social evolution and to the succession of socio-economic systems, focus to the role of personalities, leaders, emperors, kings, presidents, prime ministers and political leaders in general”. </span><br /><br /><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Thus, especially for Lenin, cde Papariga emphasized that “he lived in the era when capitalism was passing through its last, highest stage, the monopolistic or imperialist stage, as it was also called, which was marked by imperialist wars, socialist revolutions, that is the era of transition from capitalism to socialism. He lived close to and inside the workers' struggles, not only in Russia but also in the capitalist states where he was exiled. This is how he understood the imperative and immediate need for conscious preparation for the socialist revolution which required, first of all, the establishment of a Party of New Type, the communist one”. </span><br /><br /><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Aleka Papariga underline that “Lenin elaborated the necessity of establishing a workers' revolutionary party as a party of socialist revolution, of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the socialist construction”. For this purpose, “he studied the problems concerning the labor movement in Russia, in Europe, in contrast to the Western European labor reformist parties that promoted opportunism, reformism thus abandoning the revolutionary principles of Marxism”. </span><br /><br /><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The speaker also focused on the period of preparation for the establishment of Bolshevik Party when, led by Lenin himself, “a great ideological battle took place against the perceptions that considered that the mass and political struggle should be limited to economic demands. Lenin vigorously fought against localism, practicalism, fragmentation and submission to the temporary, i.e to what is possible within capitalism's framework. “In fact, Lenin opposed all those who prioritized reforms within the framework of capitalism over the necessity of revolution”, Papariga said. </span><br /><br /><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">She added that Lenin “put forward the necessity of a unified, democratically elaborated centralized party work, hence the center of guidance which ensures unity of action, as well as specialization, thus the adaptation to particularities that concern a specific and inevitably limited by its nature party area of responsibility, at local, territorial, operational, sectoral level, etc. Expertise, adaptation, flexibility, all free from the risk of narrowing and “dehydrating” the ideological and political content of action. Yes to popularization, but no simplification”. </span><br /><br /><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Furthermore, cde Aleka Papariga underlined: “Under Lenin's leadership, the Bolshevik Party proved that it could orientate itself and act within the proletarian, poor masses, having as a criterion the current tasks without being distracted from the main purpose for which it was founded, that is the struggle for socialism”. She continued by saying that :the visibility, the horizon of its activity didn't shrink, didn't narrow under any objective pressing needs, in times of illegality, defeat and retreat, imperialist war, persecutions and attacks that are completely compatible with bourgeois parliamentary democracy”.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Referring to the foundation of the Bolshevik Party, the former General Secretary pointed out that “first of all, it changed completely a previously formed fact when the development of Marx and Engels revolutionary theory and Lenin's first years of activity were developing outside the framework of the workers' movement. As forerunners and, above all, as pioneers they undertook the responsibility to introduce the scientific communist theory to the ranks of the struggling proletariat. Back then, the prevailing tendency was the entry of theory from the outside in. The foundation of the Party changed things drastically, as it undertook the task of study, creative assimilation and dissemination of theory to the working class, research study work for its further elaboration based on the developments and the new evolving requirements. The leninist position “without revolutionary theory there is no revolutionary act” applies to the Communist Party, not only in its early years, but throughout its course”. </span><br /><br /><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Continuing on the subject, Papariga said that Lenin “conducted an ideological war to establish and therefore to defend the workers' character of the Party, not only as a declaration but also in its social composition, in the organs and the Party Base Organizations (PBOs), as well as the pioneering role of the labor movement, the issue of working class hegemony in socialist revolution, the necessity of the dictatorship of the proletariat. He even used this specific term in order to clearly highlight the diametrical constrast with the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. He defined the conditions for the admission of members to the Party and the necessity of adopting three interconnected forms of struggle, the ideological, political and mass one, i.e proletarian internationalism, as the marxist-leninist Party's theoretical basis.”</span><br /><br /><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Lenin made clear that “ideology will be either socialist or bourgeois, there is no middle ground. A position that is timely, timeless and fundamental”, Papariga added.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b>The centralization of the demands and goals of the struggle at a national level</b></span><br /><br /><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Referring to the period from the establishment of the Bolshevik Party up to 1917, cde Papariga noted that “the labor struggle, under the guidance of the Bolshevik Party, was developing and tending to single broader political goals, as the unification of struggle at a national level was prompty demanding and realistic”. She underlined that in a sense “in such conditions, the generalization of slogans, the centralization of struggle fronts and the promotion of single, or two or three other slogans, becomes relatively easier, in order to promote the working class alliance as well”. </span><br /><br /><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">“That is why”, Papariga stressed out, “the role of the Communist Party is decisive in the elaboration of a competetive framework of rallying and social alliance. A rallying line that takes into account the maturity level of the working-popular masses, but at the same time must contribute to their ideological and political advancement, with goals, fermentation arguments that encourage the cultivation of a radical consciousness”. </span><br /><br /><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Based on the above, Papariga underlined that the KKE “has gained positive experience on this matter and steadily elaborates the line of anti-capitalist, anti-monopoly rallying and struggle”. After all, as she noted, “the study of Leninist teaching contains abundant evidence, useful experience, as Lenin was taking into account the level of socio-political consciousness of the masses, but without submitting to it”. </span><br /></div></div><div><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><br /><b>Ideological unity and unity of action</b><br /><br /></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">In her speech, Aleka Papariga also addressed the issue of how Lenin “proved that the declaration of the struggle for socialism isn't enough, but unity is required in the issues of theory, program and again, ideological unity isn't enough by itself; and that is why he elaborated the Statute and the organizational principles, the rules of Party operation”. All these, she noted, “have a profound ideological and political context since they are determined by the historical mission of the working class for the overthrow of capitalism and the transition to socialist construction”. <br /></span></div><div><span><!--more--></span><p></p><table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: left; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh7Fc7g7zjMSRN1As1gIKDBYRJXHfHDgT9yeo15urPyeg1fisBg8wj3j8EQJiR3KEQ_fMGrTCUvGosD3zCUrDm7BM0NnZLDhW35-sNu1gF92HtXzmRF-zADXQDs3jTGFY33ysGJVCNsvC9X6lxnPln0BclNn996fL0a9H9c_tUdjRY4yVHdo_l72dOvbEFN/s710/studio_100_xronia_lenin_11.jpg" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="399" data-original-width="710" height="246" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh7Fc7g7zjMSRN1As1gIKDBYRJXHfHDgT9yeo15urPyeg1fisBg8wj3j8EQJiR3KEQ_fMGrTCUvGosD3zCUrDm7BM0NnZLDhW35-sNu1gF92HtXzmRF-zADXQDs3jTGFY33ysGJVCNsvC9X6lxnPln0BclNn996fL0a9H9c_tUdjRY4yVHdo_l72dOvbEFN/w437-h246/studio_100_xronia_lenin_11.jpg" width="437" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Red Hat Display;">Photo: 902.gr</span><br /></td></tr></tbody></table><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">In her closing remarks, comrade Papariga emphasized on the importance of studying the subjective factor and generalizing the experience of party building. “The Party's fundamental principles are fixed and timeless. This doesn't mean that there is no need to study the experience resulting from the activity of the Communist Parties in the 20th Century and the important developments in the process of capitalist society, the positive and negative experience that emerged in the countries of socialist construction, that is the study of the Party's activity as a subjective guiding factor”. </span><br /></div></div><div><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><br /></span></div><div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Concerning the KKE, Papariga pointed out: “Our Party began the effort to study the subjective factor during the socialist construction period, especially in the USSR, under the pressing need to provide answers on what happened and the countrerrevolution prevailed”, adding that “we didn't leave our own Party out of criticism and judgement”, referring to the volumes of the Party History Essay. </span><br /><br /><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">More specifically, she said that a better effort was made in the last two Congresses of the KKE, the 20th Congress in 2017 and the 21st in 2021, “in order to highlight problems-links in the operation and activity of the Party, “especially the need to strengthen the theoretical and ideological element in the operation of all guiding bodies, therefore also of the Party Base Organizations (PBOs), so that the practical political and mass tasks are fully and correctly illuminated”.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">“We study, plan and act deep within the masses, within the class struggle, through the daily activity of the Party we highlight the possibilities and values of the new society, socialism-communism and we become highly prepared as a Party of “New Type”, comrade Aleka Papariga concluded. </span></div><p></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span><span><span style="font-size: medium;"><span><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><span><b>* Nikos Mottas is the Editor-in-Chief of In Defense of Communism. </b></span></span></span><span><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><span><b> </b></span></span></span><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><span><b> </b></span></span></span></span></span><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><span><b> </b> </span></span></span><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"> </span><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></p></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8285433957148191622.post-68712371729634817132024-03-15T14:26:00.002+02:002024-03-15T14:26:35.202+02:00Communist Party of Turkey: 14 Communist Principles for Municipal Elections<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><span style="font-weight: 400;"></span></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjXGBr3-qLGhnXRxJ_GehDb1VOvTobf9yQznO3fZqFNXk5rNxmts9phJzH7tvstiKgUi075vtfC5dPMQ9pI0LgKQg-6cjAAhy3Sk_9gtxRjXogIxDWO0-AHnwpSLBOYRj8Qs-zqQeGnQEMiYQnIxoyM4BQf9N2pdsgKl79Rf1zi8X1Qy0H0la0x6_8vT4Aw/s1280/tkp%20turkish%20communist%20party%20banner.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="853" data-original-width="1280" height="277" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjXGBr3-qLGhnXRxJ_GehDb1VOvTobf9yQznO3fZqFNXk5rNxmts9phJzH7tvstiKgUi075vtfC5dPMQ9pI0LgKQg-6cjAAhy3Sk_9gtxRjXogIxDWO0-AHnwpSLBOYRj8Qs-zqQeGnQEMiYQnIxoyM4BQf9N2pdsgKl79Rf1zi8X1Qy0H0la0x6_8vT4Aw/w416-h277/tkp%20turkish%20communist%20party%20banner.jpg" width="416" /></a></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">As the <a href="http://www.idcommunism.com/search/label/Communist%20Party%20of%20Turkey%20%28TKP%29" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">Communist Party of Turkey</span></a> (TKP) prepares for the local elections on March 31 (<a href="http://www.idcommunism.com/2024/02/turkeys-communist-party-nominates-journalist-orhan-gokdemir-to-run-for-istanbul-mayor.html" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">check out here TKP's major candidacies</span></a>), it declares that it
will act with the following principles wherever a communist municipality
will be actualized:</span></div><p></p><ol style="text-align: justify;"><li><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b> For communists, the main goal in municipalities is first and
foremost to open channels for the people, who are becoming increasingly
conscious of their organization, to participate in governance.</b></span></li></ol><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b></b><span><a name='more'></a></span></span><div><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Wherever
the communists assume authority, the people will have a say in the
administration of the municipality through channels such as
neighborhood, district, school, workplace representatives. The working
people, who find more opportunities and platforms, will become more
conscious to protect this position against the social system.</span></span></p><ol start="2" style="text-align: justify;"><li><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b> Communist municipalities aim at the welfare and happiness of the working people.</b></span></li></ol><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Municipalities
within the capitalist system focus on rent sharing. Communists, on the
other hand, will start by dismantling the rent gangs clustered around
the municipalities. Not a single capitalist or contractor will be able
to use and benefit from the municipalities for their own interests. The
only goal will be to improve the quality of life of working people. All
activities of the municipality will be planned according to the needs of
the people.</span></span></p><ol start="3" style="text-align: justify;"><li><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b> All means will be mobilized to ensure that the working people
have access to healthy and quality housing, transportation, education,
cultural and recreational facilities.</b></span></li></ol><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><span style="font-weight: 400;">The
main goal will be to ensure that the working people have the right to
live in healthy and sound housing, access to education, reliable mass
transportation, and opportunities for vacation. Only the struggle of
communists in municipalities can ensure that urban planning is based on
public and environmental health, and that green areas are protected and
developed against rent-seekers.</span></span></p><ol start="4" style="text-align: justify;"><li><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b> Communist municipalities will act with the priority of
fortifying our cities everywhere in our country, which is located in an
earthquake zone.</b></span></li></ol><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><span style="font-weight: 400;">It
is the approach that prioritizes the profit greed of capitalists and
contractors over the safety of the people that makes our cities
vulnerable to earthquakes and other natural disasters. In order to
fortify our cities against these disasters, looting will first be
prevented, then resources will be allocated to strengthen existing
settlements in line with a plan, and new settlements will be built in
suitable areas in line with scientific data.</span></span></p><ol start="5" style="text-align: justify;"><li><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b> The presence of communists in municipal governments means the
development of a culture that strengthens collaboration and unity.</b></span></li></ol><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Creating
environments where children, youth and adults can develop themselves
together is one of the primary tasks of communists in municipalities. An
easily accessible and widespread network of libraries, science centers
for children and youth, theaters for plays that we will write and
perform together, choirs and orchestras where we will learn and sing our
songs, conference series on how to utilize scientific knowledge for the
benefit of working people, and collective sportive activities will be
the means to create this culture of common life.</span></span></p><ol start="6" style="text-align: justify;"><li><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b> The work of communists in municipalities will also be a barrier against the spread of drug use.</b></span></li></ol><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Communists
will take measures to protect our youth against the attacks of the
capitalist system that leads the working people into drug use and all
kinds of degeneration.</span></span></p><ol start="7" style="text-align: justify;"><li><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b> Opportunities for women’s equality and freedom will be created.</b></span></li></ol><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><span style="font-weight: 400;">It
is the responsibility of communist municipalities to establish
nurseries and kindergartens in neighborhoods, to support women’s
participation in public spaces outside the home, and to protect them
against violence.</span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Creating
additional opportunities for the employment of women as workers with
equal rights is of crucial importance for communists.</span></span></p><ol start="8" style="text-align: justify;"><li><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b> Efforts will be carried out to protect and improve public health.</b></span></li></ol><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><span style="font-weight: 400;">The
basic health problems of the people; issues such as drinking water and
food safety, school health, sports health, recycling, waste problems can
only be secured if communists are effective in municipalities. Health
units will be established in the municipalities and volunteer physicians
and paramedics will take part in these units.</span></span></p><ol start="9" style="text-align: justify;"><li><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b> The establishment of consumption and production cooperatives will make the working people’s lives more comfortable.</b></span></li></ol><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Only
communists can encourage consumption cooperatives that will provide
access to basic food and consumer goods in an affordable manner against
the high costs created by supermarket chains and market relations, and
production cooperatives that will support producers against production
costs and ensure that they are paid for their labor, depending on the
characteristics of the locality.</span></span></p><ol start="10" style="text-align: justify;"><li><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b> Communist municipalities will not be a “company” that behaves like a “boss” towards workers.</b></span></li></ol><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Workers
in communist municipalities will participate in decision-making and
conditions will be fostered to ensure that municipal workers are a
natural part of the struggle for common goals for the welfare of the
people.</span></span></p><ol start="11" style="text-align: justify;"><li><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b> Communists will put an end to the system of subcontracting in
the municipalities, which has been imposed under the false pretense of
service, but which is only aimed at the profits of the capitalists.</b></span></li></ol><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Communists
will reject the subcontracting system that has prevailed in the
municipalities in the last 30 years, and will put an end to all
practices that turn municipal services into a profitable field of
exploitation for business owners.</span></span></p><ol start="12" style="text-align: justify;"><li><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b> Communists will not allow racism, religionism and sectarianism in municipalities.</b></span></li></ol><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><span style="font-weight: 400;">There
will be no room in communist municipalities for approaches that label
our working people as second class according to their language,
ethnicity or beliefs. Communists will not allow the abuse of religion in
municipalities, will establish a secular style of administration, and
will organize fraternity, peace and unity.</span></span></p><ol start="13" style="text-align: justify;"><li><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b> Communist municipalities will be completely closed to direct or
indirect financial support and interventions of international or
domestic capital.</b></span></li></ol><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><span style="font-weight: 400;">All
kinds of economic, political and social interventions and initiatives
carried out by domestic or foreign capital and some imperialist
organizations under the names of projects, funds and similar names will
not be allowed in communist municipalities.</span></span></p><ol start="14" style="text-align: justify;"><li><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b> Communist municipalities are strongly linked to the future of society based on equality and freedom.</b></span></li></ol><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Communists,
no matter in which province, district or municipality they are
governing, will never forget that they are responsible for the whole
country and all humanity, and that everything they do is meaningful only
as part of the effort to enlighten the future of our country and the
world.</span></span></p><p style="text-align: right;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><span style="font-weight: 400;">tkp.org.tr <br /></span></span></p></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8285433957148191622.post-47755800580993214882024-03-12T15:33:00.003+02:002024-03-12T15:35:44.938+02:00Mass rally of the KKE in Athens: No participation of Greece in NATO’s abattoir of war!<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjn89Y4iCXlD5pEtPy5DTyg51U6PoXJIm0ONaHuaikPWqLch_p-REjNSYhXUKfxtKEy-5wUAe7gimG1_1YFO2YSdKah9m5OmdC6cY3oGVOBt-wET6YZJmAUd9Xbuv9F7eyxM5ALOMxm-T-Sdx8HDY5zE4fNdilT5Wx_uvaM5p75ZEFhTc9Gjghn4kAkDE76/s1600/syntagma%20kke%20anti-war%20rally.jpg" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="900" data-original-width="1600" height="273" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjn89Y4iCXlD5pEtPy5DTyg51U6PoXJIm0ONaHuaikPWqLch_p-REjNSYhXUKfxtKEy-5wUAe7gimG1_1YFO2YSdKah9m5OmdC6cY3oGVOBt-wET6YZJmAUd9Xbuv9F7eyxM5ALOMxm-T-Sdx8HDY5zE4fNdilT5Wx_uvaM5p75ZEFhTc9Gjghn4kAkDE76/w471-h273/syntagma%20kke%20anti-war%20rally.jpg" width="471" /></a></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The General Secretary of the CC of the <a href="http://www.idcommunism.com/search/label/KKE" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">Communist Party of Greece</span></a>, Dimitris Koutsoumbas, was the main speaker at the mass rally held by the KKE outside the Greek parliament on Monday 11 March.</span></div><p></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">In his speech, D. Koutsoumbas called on
the people to break the omerta that the New Democracy government and all
other parties are trying to impose on the involvement of our country in
the imperialist wars raging in the region and in all the dangerous
plans of the USA and NATO. “The message that the New Democracy
government and the warmongering EU will receive in the coming elections,
should be much more resounding! The only ballot paper that can carry
this anti-war message across Europe is that of the KKE”, he stressed.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><span></span></span></p><a name='more'></a><p></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">He called broadly on the workers and
youth to refuse to consent to Greece’s participation in the massacre of
the Palestinian people. “No participation of the Armed Forces in the
massacre in the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf. The Hydra frigate and all
Armed Forces on imperialist missions abroad must return home!”, he
noted.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Commenting on French President Macron’s
hawkish statement about sending European troops to Ukraine, he
said:“This is where the insatiable thirst of the capitalists for new
profits and the conflict between Russia and the Euro-Atlantic bloc,
which is using Ukraine as a spearhead, is leading the peoples. Russia,
in turn, acts as a buffer for the Eurasian camp that is under formation
and for China in its rivalry with the USA for supremacy in the
international capitalist system”.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The GS of the CC of the KKE referred in
detail to the causes of both the of the Palestinian people by Israel and
the causes of the imperialist war in Ukraine, stressing the
responsibility of all imperialist powers. Concluding his speech, he
highlighted that “Now we must intensify the struggle to prevent the
government from sending arms and ammunition, which the Greek people
have dearly paid forto be used for the defence of our country but end up
on the military fronts of imperialist wars; for the closure of the US
bases on Greek soil, namely in Souda, Alexandroupolis and
elsewhere,which are turned intolaunching pads for the slaughter of other
peoples and into potential targets for retaliation; for the
disentanglement ofour country from imperialist war plans and the
disengagement from imperialist unions, with the people masters in their
own land. Now is the time to say a big NO to the transformation of our
country into a spearhead for the imperialist murderous plans of the
USA–NATO–EU. Now is the time to say a big YES to the right to live in
peace and solidarity with other peoples”.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Dimitris Koutsoumbas stressed that “the
rights of the workers and the people areincompatible with the profits of
the few. The only dividing line iscapital, the EU and NATO versus the
working people and their needs! The final solution lies in the overthrow
of the world of exploitation and wars, in the society of true people’s
prosperity, solidarity, friendship betweenthe peoples and peace, i.e.
socialism!”</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The mass rally ofthe KKE began with a speech by Amalia Papasotiriou, an air force officer. Some of the numerous young conscripts who have opposed the deployment of the frigate and the participation in imperialist missions also attended the rally.</span></p><p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b> </b></span></p><p style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b></b></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhTQEsewzCP6qDaoB2Iofl1pgtHO44ykZ2uAJqSZKfOtnFOcQ0eM7FHaH8vzNELzjdVk-a1M2Hw2A9P8NTYV4BWlb5kTAa_HGhDe4iitsWtsC-lA7JZU1dIS87aYxD9cLVGUjysSGJxqHu6XYBTBGkHE6e05yT1LGEqFXDih3HR7OEboo6pwqm2ouIL6_M7/s800/Flag-Russia.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="536" data-original-width="800" height="25" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhTQEsewzCP6qDaoB2Iofl1pgtHO44ykZ2uAJqSZKfOtnFOcQ0eM7FHaH8vzNELzjdVk-a1M2Hw2A9P8NTYV4BWlb5kTAa_HGhDe4iitsWtsC-lA7JZU1dIS87aYxD9cLVGUjysSGJxqHu6XYBTBGkHE6e05yT1LGEqFXDih3HR7OEboo6pwqm2ouIL6_M7/w35-h25/Flag-Russia.jpg" width="35" /></a><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b> </b></span></b></span></div><p></p><p style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b>Массовый митинг КПГ у стен парламента</b></span>
</p><p style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b>Никто не должен оставаться зрителем! </b><b>Никакого участия в </b><b>натовской</b> <b>бойн</b><b>е</b></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Главным выступающим на крупном митинге, проведенном Компартией Греции у стен греческого парламента в понедельник, 11 марта, был Генсек ЦК КПГ Димитрис Куцумбас.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">В своей речи Д.Куцумбас призвал народ
нарушить кодекс молчания, который пытаются навязать правительство НД и
все другие партии, по поводу участия нашей страны в империалистических
войнах, бушующих в регионе, а также во всех опасных планах США и НАТО.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Он подчеркнул, что необходимо «чтобы
правительство НД, а также ЕС войны получили более сильный сигнал на
предстоящих выборах! Единственный избирательный бюллетень, который может
передать такой антивоенный посыл, который будет услышан по всей Европе,
- это бюллетень КПГ».</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Он призывал трудящихся и молодежь не
давать никакого согласия на участие Греции в бойне народа Палестины,
выступать против участия Вооруженных сил в кровопролитии в Красном море и
Персидском заливе, за возвращение фрегата «Гидра», всех частей
Вооруженных сил, находящихся в империалистических миссиях, на родину.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Комментируя провоенные заявления
президента Франции Макрона об отправке европейских войск на Украину, он
подчеркнул: «Вот куда ведет народы ненасытная жажда капиталистов к новым
прибылям, конфликт евроатлантического блока, который использует Украину
как «острие копья» против России. А та, в свою очередь, превращается в
«подушку безопасности» для формирующейся евразийской оси и Китая в его
противостоянии с США за первенство в мировой капиталистической системе».</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Генсек ЦК КПГ подробно остановился на
причинах геноцида палестинского народа Израилем, а также на причинах
империалистической войны на Украине, возложив ответственность за это на
все империалистические силы. В завершение своего выступления он сказал,
что: «Сегодня необходимо усилить борьбу, чтобы помешать правительству
отправлять оружие и боеприпасы, за которые греческий народ платит
дорогой ценой, чтобы они использовались для обороны страны, а не
оказывались на фронтах империалистических войн.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEguxRs4IGqp0SuqC32N0rMM8hl90FAFc34RfbMpHmPmqQWwUhshxzExezI6MFP4_O9bDD14h2aOq-OQMtxwwBDCyU-cIUaAY-TCRng7t80jDJu8WJ6z6wq4EIBuSb2WWqchedK5piJYDG_9WUsfyE2JwFmuRyYKSlTR0xaWhiE8nosPskmLyq6YlVeF7Tdg/s710/syntagma%20kke%20anti-war%20rally%208.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="399" data-original-width="710" height="360" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEguxRs4IGqp0SuqC32N0rMM8hl90FAFc34RfbMpHmPmqQWwUhshxzExezI6MFP4_O9bDD14h2aOq-OQMtxwwBDCyU-cIUaAY-TCRng7t80jDJu8WJ6z6wq4EIBuSb2WWqchedK5piJYDG_9WUsfyE2JwFmuRyYKSlTR0xaWhiE8nosPskmLyq6YlVeF7Tdg/w640-h360/syntagma%20kke%20anti-war%20rally%208.jpg" width="640" /></a></span></div><p></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Бороться за закрытие американских баз в
Суде, Александруполисе и всех остальных военных баз, находящихся на
территории Греции, которые являются плацдармом для уничтожения других
народов, а также потенциальными целями для ответных ударов. За выход
страны из империалистических военных планов и усиление борьбы за выход
из империалистических союзов, чтобы народ стал хозяином своей страны.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Настало время сказать решительное «НЕТ»
превращению нашей страны в «острие копья» империалистических преступных
планов США, НАТО и ЕС.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Настало время сказать решительное «ДА» праву жить мирно, в солидарности с другими народами, хозяевами своих стран».</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Димитрис Куцумбас подчеркнул, что «права
трудящихся и прибыль немногих несовместимы. Потому что единственная
настоящая разделительная линия: либо ты с капиталом, ЕС и НАТО, либо с
трудящимися и их интересами!</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Потому что окончательное решение лежит в
свержении мира эксплуатации и войн, в построении общества настоящего
народного процветания, солидарности, дружбы народов, мира, социализма!»</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">В начале митинга с небольшой речью выступила Амалия Папасотириу, действующий офицер ВВС Греции. На
митинге также присутствовали солдаты- призывники, часть тех, кто
выразил несогласие с отправкой фрегата в Красное море и участием в
империалистической войне.</span></p><p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"> </span></p><p style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b></b></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEihDQ1t3m14UmzsD1gPdVQTHAbLsvY4cpbVnalOU5p09djoe2_c6StKoWGGB7xrg9LWVYhNAfYdMQ4S_ZVDAEa9XMk4kwmLeciKLCgCN31hHuWMe1KY48vaLsCf8WSTr6MtXzi-y-CCjaCKy0y7DDpSi-j1jD7zOvdCzmg4RIbTP7QBm3dGfei-jU4lMZIz/s736/spain%20flag.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="552" data-original-width="736" height="25" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEihDQ1t3m14UmzsD1gPdVQTHAbLsvY4cpbVnalOU5p09djoe2_c6StKoWGGB7xrg9LWVYhNAfYdMQ4S_ZVDAEa9XMk4kwmLeciKLCgCN31hHuWMe1KY48vaLsCf8WSTr6MtXzi-y-CCjaCKy0y7DDpSi-j1jD7zOvdCzmg4RIbTP7QBm3dGfei-jU4lMZIz/w33-h25/spain%20flag.jpg" width="33" /></a><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b> </b></span></b></span></div><p></p><p style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b>Mitin masivo del KKE ante el Parlamento</b></span>
</p><p style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b>¡Nadie debe ser indiferente! Ninguna participación en los mataderos de la OTAN</b></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">El SG del CC del KKE, Dimitris Koutsoumbas, fue el orador principal del gran mitin celebrado por el KKE ante el Parlamento griego el lunes 11/3.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">En su discurso, D. Koutsoumbas llamó al
pueblo a romper "la 'omertà' que el gobierno del ND y todos los demás
partidos quieren imponer en torno a la implicación de nuestro país en
las guerras imperialistas que asolan la región, ¡la implicación en todos
los peligrosos planes de EE.UU. y la OTAN!".</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Destacó que es necesario que "el mensaje
que reciba el gobierno de ND, y la UE beligerante, en las próximas
elecciones, ¡sea mucho más rotundo! La única lista electoral que puede
expresar este mensaje contra la guerra, para que se oiga en toda Europa,
es la del KKE".</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Hizo un amplio llamamiento a los
trabajadores y a la juventud para que no muestren"¡Ningún consentimiento
a la participación de Grecia en la masacre del pueblo de Palestina!
Ninguna participación de las Fuerzas Armadas en la masacre en el MarRojo
y el GolfoPérsico. Que devuelva la fragata "Hydra"y todas las unidades
de las Fuerzas Armadas que están en misiones imperialistas!"</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Comentando las declaraciones pro-guerra
del presidente francés Macron sobre el envío de tropas europeas a
Ucrania, subrayó "Aquí es donde la insaciable "sed" de los capitalistas
por nuevos beneficios, el conflicto del bloque euro-atlántico, que
utiliza a Ucrania como "punta de lanza" contra Rusia, conduce a los
pueblos. Y ésta, por supuesto, se convierte a su vez en el "airbag" del
eje euroasiático que se está formando y de China, en la lucha de ésta
con EEUU por la primacía en el sistema capitalista mundial".</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">El Secretario General del KKE KKE se
refirió en detalle a las causas tanto del genocidio del pueblo palestino
por parte de Israel como a las causas de la guerra imperialista en
Ucrania, subrayando las responsabilidades de todas las potencias
imperialistas, mientras que para cerrar su discurso destacó cuestiones
críticas, como: "Ahora hay que intensificar la lucha para impedir que el
gobierno envíe armas y municiones, que el pueblo griego ha pagado a
precio de oro para la defensa del país, pero que acaban en los frentes
de las guerras imperialistas.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhpjdmftZ3YMpbcC3X3cip40XK3SLnU1w0EmOqQnS96XqH3wkuRdY44L0SrCkMRr33cBeik6UWRPEbpjSbcg9mh1hRkcjKibYW10szNCwMsHi50AILNe1k-pk2m96GpHez_aREX_16gsbExFAKrrG1tHe72JzfGz6cbH85xVAbOvoCvR2t9UFFfDtr-L_As/s1600/syntagma%20kke%20anti-war%20rally%202.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="900" data-original-width="1600" height="360" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhpjdmftZ3YMpbcC3X3cip40XK3SLnU1w0EmOqQnS96XqH3wkuRdY44L0SrCkMRr33cBeik6UWRPEbpjSbcg9mh1hRkcjKibYW10szNCwMsHi50AILNe1k-pk2m96GpHez_aREX_16gsbExFAKrrG1tHe72JzfGz6cbH85xVAbOvoCvR2t9UFFfDtr-L_As/w640-h360/syntagma%20kke%20anti-war%20rally%202.jpg" width="640" /></a></span></div><p></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Para cerrar las bases estadounidenses de
Souda, Alexandroupolis y todas las demás que están en territorio
griego y se convierten en bases para la matanza de otros pueblos y en
objetivos potenciales de represalias. Para desvincular al país de los
planes de guerra imperialistas y reforzar la lucha por la retirada de
las uniones imperialistas, con el pueblo en el poderde nuestro país.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Ahora es el momento de decir un gran NO a
la transformación de nuestro país en "punta de lanza" de los planes
asesinos imperialistas de EE.UU.-OTAN-UE.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Ahora es el momento de decir un gran SÍ al derecho a vivir en paz, en solidaridad con otros pueblos, dueños de nuestropaís".</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Dimitris Koutsoumbas subrayó que "los
derechos de los obreros-populares y los beneficios de unos pocos son
irreconciliables. Porque la única línea divisoria real es ¡Con el
capital, la UE y la OTAN o con los trabajadores y sus necesidades!</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Porque la solución definitiva está en el
derrocamiento del mundo de la explotación y las guerras, ¡está en la
sociedad de la verdadera prosperidad popular, la solidaridad, la amistad
de los pueblos, la paz, el socialismo!"</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">La gran concentración del KKE comenzó con una intervención de Amalia Papasotiriou, oficial en activo de las fuerzas aéreas, y a la concentración se unieron jóvenes reclutas
que forman parte de los muchos que han expresado su oposición a la
misión de las fragatas y a la participación en misiones imperialistas.</span></p><p style="text-align: right;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">solidnet.org <br /></span></p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8285433957148191622.post-81165592800262665932024-03-11T11:29:00.002+02:002024-03-11T11:29:22.794+02:00Portugal Elections 2024: Poor performance for the Communist Party, while the far-right rises<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjscY-vD5R1s-wc6JmQV7-7TTYXLFJccHXJ8o97bD7KZz7EpwY7eUPtmoUEm_38zMiBPgZKibLkt-1jkfTfmcxSMmDSmmEjuQHOGwZ_ta3DvIEsiuYh7GxYx_iRHYGF_o4DZJrl46BCI0MVeF4_CZjo6aSZgQV7vEWenQDKz9jRtq4JAZ6ueNzqt5p8uqR6/s986/pcp%20bandera.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="631" data-original-width="986" height="276" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjscY-vD5R1s-wc6JmQV7-7TTYXLFJccHXJ8o97bD7KZz7EpwY7eUPtmoUEm_38zMiBPgZKibLkt-1jkfTfmcxSMmDSmmEjuQHOGwZ_ta3DvIEsiuYh7GxYx_iRHYGF_o4DZJrl46BCI0MVeF4_CZjo6aSZgQV7vEWenQDKz9jRtq4JAZ6ueNzqt5p8uqR6/w439-h276/pcp%20bandera.jpg" width="439" /></a></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Bad news come from <a href="http://www.idcommunism.com/search/label/Portugal" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">Portugal</span></a>, following March 10 parliamentary elections. The Unitary Democratic Coalition, comprised of the <a href="http://www.idcommunism.com/search/label/Partido%20Comunista%20Portugu%C3%AAs%20%28PCP%29" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">Portuguese Communist Party</span></a> (PCP) and the Greens, received 3,30% (approximately 203,000 votes), which marks a regression in relation to the 2022 results (4,39% and 236,600 votes). </span><br /><br /><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Unfortunately, it seems that, among others, the Portuguese Communist Party pays the price for its political support – also known as Geringonça - towards the social democratic governments of Antonio Costa in 2015-2019 which cultivated empty promises to the working class but ultimately led to disappointment. </span></div><span><a name='more'></a></span><p style="text-align: justify;"></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Two years ago, on the occasion of Communist Parties participation in so-called “left-wing” or “progressive” governments, we had pointed out the illusions of this erroneous strategy. Read: </span><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b><a href="http://www.idcommunism.com/2022/02/communist-parties-participation-in-bourgeois-governments-is-a-deeply-erroneous-strategy.html" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">Communist Parties' participation in bourgeois governments is a deeply erroneous strategy</span></a>.
</b></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">On the other hand, the far-right populist Chega party, has secured 18% of the vote and 48 seats in the 230-seat parliament, gaining more than 1 million votes. <br /><br />The centre right Democratic Alliance claims a narrow election victory over its major opponent, the Socialist Party (PS), but has little to no chance of forming a majority government. <br /><br />Following the announcement of the results, <a href="https://pcp.pt/sobre-resultados-eleitorais-das-eleicoes-legislativas" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">Communist Party General Secretary Paulo Raimundo</span></a> acknowledged the outcome of the elections as “negative” and warned over the consequences of the rise of the far-right in the workers' rights and people's living conditions. <br /><br />It is reminded that in 2019 legislative elections, PCP received 6,3%, almost 2% less than in 2015. </span></p><div style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span><span><span><b> </b><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><span><span><span><span><span><span><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><span><span><span><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span style="font-family: Work Sans;"><b><span face="Verdana, sans-serif"><a href="http://www.idcommunism.com/" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">IN DEFENSE OF COMMUNISM</span></a> </span></b><span face="Verdana, sans-serif"><span style="background-color: white;">©</span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span><span><span style="font-family: Raleway;"> </span></span></span></span><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><br /></span></span></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8285433957148191622.post-11697565297871868702024-03-09T19:40:00.007+02:002024-03-11T10:25:18.929+02:00The Communist International, its dissolution and the international struggle of communists today<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgicUKdq5b-q2JARLqV3t-7tY09Z5_4HSSP4tObQHUps42HK6jNXH5EICj3YMfLxjhT6mD3kpHRgyVyMjnHPN7M7PN6wz-g3UbQkELxN58CbtImryq5Jog0oV270WKgpmZy_LCFiykW6mRiuPxJe5Zzoa7CtmiuM_Md1CC_bSfHXmG64wB4HdSlj2K4uojl/s975/Third%20Communist%20International.jpg" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="700" data-original-width="975" height="302" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgicUKdq5b-q2JARLqV3t-7tY09Z5_4HSSP4tObQHUps42HK6jNXH5EICj3YMfLxjhT6mD3kpHRgyVyMjnHPN7M7PN6wz-g3UbQkELxN58CbtImryq5Jog0oV270WKgpmZy_LCFiykW6mRiuPxJe5Zzoa7CtmiuM_Md1CC_bSfHXmG64wB4HdSlj2K4uojl/w419-h302/Third%20Communist%20International.jpg" width="419" /></a></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Article by the </span><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">International Commission of the <a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;"><b>Kommunistische Organisation</b></span></a><b>:</b></span><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"> </span></div><p></p><p></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">80 years ago, on May 15, 1943, in the midst of the Second World War
and shortly after the victory of the Red Army in Stalingrad, the
dissolution of the Communist International was announced. </span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The
dissolution of the Communist International (Comintern for short) was
announced and implemented a short time later. The joint international
organization of Communists, which had been founded under Lenin’s
leadership and had organized, supported and coordinated the struggle of
the world communist movement for 24 years, no longer existed. An
equivalent replacement for it was never created again.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><span></span></span></p><a name='more'></a><p></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">What was the Comintern? Why was it founded? How did it come to be dissolved, and how do we evaluate this experience today?</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">These questions and what they have to do with our struggle as communists today will be the subject of this text.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b>The Beginnings of the International</b></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The question of the international organization of the revolutionary
working-class movement arose early, since the workers’ movement was
already in its beginnings an international movement. Already the League
of Communists, founded in this form in 1847 by Marx and Engels, saw
itself as an international association. It included revolutionaries from
many European countries and the USA. The Communist Manifesto, which was
published in 1848 as the as the program of the League, concluded with
the famous appeal “Working Men of All Countries, Unite!”.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">In 1864, the International Workingmen’s Association was founded in
London, which would later be called the First International. The statute
of this first world organization of the socialist workers’ movement
stated: <i>“Considering […] That the emancipation of labor is neither a
local nor a national, but a social problem, embracing all countries in
which modern society exists, and depending for its solution on the
concurrence, practical and theoretical, of the most advanced countries;
That the present revival of the working classes in the most industrious
countries of Europe, while it raises a new hope, gives solemn warning
against a relapse into the old errors, and calls for the immediate
combination of the still disconnected movements; For these reasons – The
International Working Men’s Association has been founded.”</i><sup><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote1sym" id="sdfootnote1anc"><sup>1</sup></a></sup>.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Marx himself stated shortly thereafter: <i>“Past experience has
shown how disregard of that bond of brotherhood which ought to exist
between the workmen of different countries, and incite them to stand
firmly by each other in all their struggles for emancipation, will be
chastised by the common discomfiture of their incoherent efforts. This
thought prompted the workingmen of different countries […] to found the
International Association.”</i><sup><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote2sym" id="sdfootnote2anc"><sup>2</sup></a></sup></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Also in the Paris Commune, the first proletarian revolution in
history, in 1871, foreigners such as the Hungarian Léo Frankel, the
Polish-Russian revolutionary Anna Jaclard, and the Polish socialists
Walery Wroblewski and Jaroslaw Dabrowski took part.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The First International struggled with the influence of anarchism
from the beginning. From the beginning, the First International
struggled with the influence of anarchism. The anarchist theorist
Mikhail Bakunin opposed centralized organization of the working class
and the goal of proletarian seizure of power as promoted by Karl Marx
and Friedrich Engels. Thus, anarchism could offer no real perspective to
the working-class movement; its only effect in the International was to
paralyze and ultimately divide it by entrenching the opposing sides.
Anarchism was able to play a central role in this early phase of the
workers’ movement, because, apart from the few weeks of the Paris
Commune, the international working class had not yet had any experience
with its own state power. The need to create the socialist state and a
centralized and disciplined revolutionary party had not yet penetrated
the consciousness of large sections of the movement. Moreover, the
scientific socialism developed by Marx and Engels was a relatively young
movement, and the influences of the various currents of utopian, early
bourgeois and pre-capitalist socialism were still strong in sections of
the working class. The struggles between the communist and anarchist
sections of the movement eventually led to the failure of the First
International.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">In 1889, the Second International emerged from the First
International in Paris to continue the work of its predecessor. In the
Second International, too, the revolutionary Marxist line coexisted for a
long time with various opportunist positions that objectively worked to
make the workers’ movement dependent on bourgeois policies. Opportunist
and reformist tendencies had long existed in the Second International,
but they broke out openly in 1914 with the outbreak of the imperialist
First World War. The mutual assurances of the workers’ parties that they
would not allow the workers to be led into a slaughter against each
other in the event of a war between the capitalist powers fell apart.
Almost all the parties of the Second, supposedly “socialist”
International sided with their own ruling class, justifying the war and
no longer seeing the capitalists of their own countries as the mortal
enemy, but the workers, peasants and ordinary people on the other side
of the front. The same was true of the SPD, the former socialist party
in Germany, which now became the support of Kaiser Wilhelm and Reich
Chancellor von Bethmann Hollweg. The Social Democracy’s betrayal of its
former principles and the millions of workers in its organizations was
justified by constructing the horror scenario of an aggressive Russian
despotism from which the German population had to be protected.
Conversely, in the countries of the Entente, the enemy image of the
opportunists was Prussian militarism, against which freedom had to be
defended. Thus, in each country, the bourgeois current in the Social
Democracy found the appropriate propaganda to legitimize its
subordination to its “own” ruling class.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The revolutionary current within the Second International, led
internationally by the Russian Bolsheviks and in Germany by Rosa
Luxemburg, Karl Liebknecht, Franz Mehring and others, was unable to
assert itself in the struggle. This left the working class without an
organization to represent its interests.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">All of Europe became a battlefield and millions of corpses piled up
before, in 1917, the Russian people were the first to rise up against
the killing, first overthrowing the tsarist government in February, but
then, as the new bourgeois-democratic government also continued the war,
sweeping away capitalist class rule altogether and establishing the
first socialist state power under the leadership of the Bolshevik Party.
The October Socialist Revolution and the experience of the betrayal of
the social-democratic workers parties, which had long since become
parties of the capitalist system, necessitated a radical step:
everywhere, the old workers parties split into a system-supporting wing,
now called Social Democracy, and a revolutionary wing, mostly reformed
under the name of the Communist Party. In some countries where the
movement was less developed, the communist parties emerged under the
influence of the October Revolution, without prior organization with the
social-democracy. The emergence of the communist movement and its break
with the reformism of Social Democracy was a decisive turning point in
the history of the workers’ movement. The insight, already present in
the work of Marx and Engels, that opportunism as a form of bourgeois
politics must be fought within the working class movement, now found
expression in the independent organization of the revolutionary working
class. The emerging world communist movement now demanded a new form of
organization at the international level.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b>The Founding and the First Congresses of the Communist International</b></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">This form was the III. International, the Communist International,
was founded in Moscow in March 1919 on Lenin’s initiative. The founding
congress of the Comintern was attended mainly by small revolutionary
groups; in addition to the Bolsheviks from Russia, the Communist Party
of Germany was still relevant. The Comintern proclaimed in its newly
adopted Guidelines:</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">“<i>A new system has been born. Ours is the epoch of the breakdown
of capital, its internal disintegration, the epoch of the Communist
revolution of the proletariat.”</i></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">It set itself the goal of the conquest of power by the working class,
the establishment and defense of the rule of the soviets as a political
form of working-class power, the expropriation of capital, the
socialization and centralization of production and the support of the
peoples of the colonies in their struggle against the imperialist
Colonial Powers<sup><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote3sym" id="sdfootnote3anc"><sup>3</sup></a></sup>.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The Communist International, unlike the I. and II. International, was
organized under the principle of democratic-centralism with a unified
leading center, the Executive Committee of the Communist International
(ECCI). The ECCI had a quorum between the world congresses of the
Comintern. The individual parties now no longer saw themselves as
organizations acting independently, but as sections of the Comintern,
which meant that the decisions of the world organization became binding
for them. This was done so in the view, that the international struggle
against capitalism and its representatives also required an
international strategy and joint action by all communists would be
necessary. This organizational structure was adopted at the II World
Congress in 1920 with the Statutes of the Communist International. The
II World Congress also laid down 21 conditions for admission to the
Comintern: in particular, the building of the party according to
Democratic Centralism and, connected with this, the subordination of the
entire agitation and propaganda under the Central Office, the binding
nature of the decisions of the Communist International, the building of
an illegal party apparatus to prepare for the revolution and the
complete break with, or struggle against Social Democracy<sup><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote4sym" id="sdfootnote4anc"><sup>4</sup></a></sup>.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The founding of the Comintern made it possible, in conjunction with
socialist construction, which now began in Russia, and later in the
Soviet Union, to develop from the small communist groups, which had
often been founded by only a few dozen workers’ leaders, into strong
fighting parties with thousands, sometimes tens and hundreds of
thousands of members. That this explosive growth of the communist
movement was possible was due, on the one hand, to the revolutionary
situation and revolutionary mood after the First World War, but on the
other hand it would not have been possible without the Comintern, which
had centralized training of their cadres, the development of a common
strategic approach against the global domination of imperialism, money
and personnel. Special attention was also given to the building of
communist parties in Asia, for which in 1920 the Congress of the Peoples
of the East, with delegates from numerous Eastern European and Asian
countries, and in 1922 the Congress of the Communist and Revolutionary
Organizations of the Far East with Communists from China, Japan, Korea,
Mongolia, and Indonesia were held. This laid the foundation for the
communist movement in East Asia after World War II, which became a
decisive challenge to imperialism.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b>The Bolshevization – The Transition from the Organizational
Principles of the Old Social-Democracy to those of the Communist Party</b></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">At the V Plenum in 1925, the “Theses on the Bolshevization of the
Communist Parties” were adopted. By Bolshevization, the Comintern
understood the implementation of the Leninist line, in particular with
regard to the content, strategic as well as organizational questions: <i>“Bolshevization
is the ability to apply the general principles of Leninism to a given
concrete situation in one or another country. Bolshevization is further
the ability to grasp the main “chain link” by which the whole “chain”
can be traced.”</i><sup><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote5sym" id="sdfootnote5anc"><sup>5</sup></a></sup>
By this was meant, the ability of the communist party to identify the
central questions in each specific situation in order to win the masses
of working people for socialism and to gain a decisive momentum in the
revolutionary situation for the overthrow of the bourgeoisie.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">In order to develop these capabilities, the communist parties would
have to first and foremost adopt the Bolshevik form of organization: <i>“The
main and basic form of the organization of any Bolshevik party is the
party cell in the factory. The old principle of Social Democracy,
according to which the party is organized on the basis of electoral
districts, taking into account the needs of the parliamentary elections
is unacceptable to the Communists. A genuine Bolshevik party is
impossible if the organization is not based in its foundation on the
factory cells. Besides the factory cells and the work in such
organizations as trade unions, workers councils, consumer cooperatives,
etc., we can and should proceed to the formation of a whole series of
nonpartisan support organizations that can and should be formed:
Tenants’, Unemployed, war participant organizations, etc. (with
communist cells inside of them). The Bolshevization makes it necessary
for our parties to take advantage of every opportunity to make the
organizational network as dense and as finely-meshed as possible. It is
necessary to exploit every important question of the day, in order to
establish one or the other aid organization, no matter how loose or
‘free’ it may be, if it is at all viable.”</i><sup><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote6sym" id="sdfootnote6anc"><sup>6</sup></a></sup> In order to become true, fighting parties, the communist parties would also have to develop an apparatus from the cadres:<i>“One
of the most important tasks of any communist party must be to chose
cadres from among the advanced workers, who are distinguished by their
energy, their knowledge, their skill and devotion to the party. The
communist cadres of the workers’ organizers must be educated in the
sense of preparing for the revolution not ‘beside the job’, but in a
full commitment to the struggle and at the full disposal of the party.”</i><sup><i><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote7sym" id="sdfootnote7anc"><sup>7</sup></a></i></sup></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The endeavor to develop and strengthen the national sections of the
Comintern, according to these criteria, characterized the work of the
following years. Nevertheless, the Bolshevization, as was noticed later,
was incomplete and many communist parties retained many structural
features of the old Social-Democracy<sup><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote8sym" id="sdfootnote8anc"><sup>8</sup></a></sup>.
The very existence of the Comintern however, made a crucial difference –
since many communist parties had developed out of social-democracy and
therefore did not yet correspond to the structure and functioning of a
genuine revolutionary organization, the binding resolutions of the
Comintern were an important prerequisite for seriously taking up the
project of Bolshevization.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">It is one of the tasks of the international organization of
communists to raise each of its national sections – the communist
parties – to the most advanced level which the international movement
has reached, to perfect its theoretical and practical level as far as
possible. This is necessary because the capitalist counterrevolution
internationally learns from its experiences as well and constantly
updates and improves its instruments.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b>The revolutionary program of the Comintern in 1928</b></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The decision on Bolshevization was followed four years later by a
second high point in the development of the communist world movement on a
revolutionary basis: the Decision of the new program of the Comintern.
In the new program, the worldwide strategy of the communist movement in
the struggle against imperialism was concretely set forth and
elaborated. The program identified two main revolutionary forces,
namely, the working class of the capitalist countries and the oppressed
peoples in the colonies, waging their struggle under the leadership of
the international working class. Capitalist countries and colonized
countries were thereby juxtaposed – the Comintern thus assumed that
capitalism was not yet developed in the colonies, and therefore there
could be only very limited talk of a working class. The the low level of
development of capitalism in these countries was also the basis for
classifying these countries as oppressed countries.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Overall, the program assumed that the capitalist world system as a
whole was approaching its collapse, and thus was closing in on the world
proletarian transition to a socialist society. The program dealt in
detail with the forces of counterrevolution that would do anything to
preserve the capitalist system – the main counterrevolutionary forces
identified in the program were fascism on the one hand and
Social-Democracy on the other hand, as different political
representatives of the ruling capitalists. It set out in detail how
Social-Democracy worked, in alliance with the military, for the bloody
suppression of revolutions in various countries and supported
reactionary dictatorships in Poland and Bulgaria against the working
class. It distinguished between a right wing and a supposedly “left”
wing of Social-Democracy, with the right wing being openly
counterrevolutionary and in direct contact with the bourgeoisie, while
the “left” wing was more pacifist and sometimes used revolutionary
phrases, but was ultimately also directed against the revolution. The
“left” Social-Democracy misleads the masses with its slogans, but acts
against the working class, especially in critical situations. Therefore
it is ultimately the most dangerous part of Social-Democracy. <i>“The
main function of Social-Democracy at the present time is to maintain the
essential militant unity of the proletariat in its struggle against
imperialism. By disrupting and splitting the united front of the
proletarian struggle against capital, Social-Democracy serves as the
mainstay of imperialism in the working class.”</i><sup><i><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote9sym" id="sdfootnote9anc"><sup>9</sup></a></i></sup>
Even if one can, in retrospect, question whether it was right to
declare Social-Democracy the “mainstay” of imperialism, while in many
countries the ruling class increasingly relied on fascism to secure its
power, the assessment of Social-Democracy in the 1928 Comintern program
was essentially accurate<sup><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote10sym" id="sdfootnote10anc"><sup>10</sup></a></sup>.
On the basis of the experience of the preceding years and the many
examples in which Social-Democracy had acted as a prop of the
capitalists and an enemy of the working class, the communists had
developed the correct analysis that the social-democratic parties and
leaderships were to be fought as political opponents, that they were not
allies of the communists and certainly could not go “a part of the way
together” with the communists, as was believed in many communist parties
in later decades. It must be emphasized that the Communists at no time
refrained from winning the social-democratic masses of the working class
for the class struggle and that the struggle against the
social-democratic leaderships served precisely this purpose, to forge as
solid of a unity as possible between the communist workers with their
social-democratic colleagues.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The other main support of the counterrevolution was seen in the fascist movement.<br /><i>“The
fascist system is a system of direct dictatorship, ideologically
characterized by the ‘national idea’ and the representation of the
‘professions’ (in reality representing the different groups of the
ruling class). It is a system that uses a particular form of social
demagogy (anti-Semitism, occasional outbursts against usurious capital,
gestures of impatience with the parliamentary ‘chatterbox’), in order to
garner support of the unsatisfied petty bourgeoisie, intellectuals and
other strata of society (…). The main goal of fascism is the destruction
of the revolutionary workers vanguard, i.e. the communist sections and
leading units of the proletariat. (…) In times of acute crisis of the
bourgeoisie, fascism resorts to anti-capitalist phrases, but after it
has established itself at the head of the state, it discards its
anti-capitalist rhetoric and exposes itself as the terrorist
dictatorship of of big business.”</i><sup><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote11sym" id="sdfootnote11anc"><sup>11</sup></a></sup></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Fascism, too, was correctly characterized by the Comintern as a
terrorist dictatorship of big business, directed mainly against the
workers’ movement and using social demagogy for this purpose. This
assessment is interesting above all in contrast to Georgi Dimitroff’s
later famous definition of fascism in 1935 (see below).</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">While the Comintern program at one point speaks of the fact that also
Social-Democracy was showing “fascist tendencies” (which was at least
misleading, since in reality the Social-Democracy in most countries
prepared the ground for fascism, rather than tending toward fascism
itself), nowhere in the program text does the term “social fascism”
appear. Later representations, which include the “social-fascism
thesis”, the alleged equation of Social-Democracy and fascism as the
main content of the Comintern’s orientation, represent a blatant
falsification of the facts. It must also be emphasized that the
neologism of “social-fascism” and the attacks on social-democratic
workers that are sometimes associated with it was a mistake, but that
this mistake was tactical and not strategic in nature. For according to
the theory of the mainstays of imperialism, the Communists had always to
direct their main thrust against the force which at a given moment was
the mainstay of capitalist rule. The mistake of the communist parties
was not that they had directed the main thrust of their struggle against
the Social-Democracy at all, but that they did so at a time when, in
Germany and other countries, the majority of the ruling class had long
since begun to rely on fascism as the mainstay of heir power.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Central to the character of the program is also that it laid down the
essential steps of the transition to socialism: The expropriation of
all large enterprises, railroads and infrastructure, communications
services and land, the establishment of workers’ control in industry,
the planning of production according to the needs of society, the
formation of collective farms in the countryside, etc. In this way the
International made clear that the laws of socialist construction are
objective and the same for all countries. It clearly positioned itself
against the opportunistic position that the characteristics of socialism
depend on the national characteristics of different countries.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Nevertheless, depending on the level of capitalist development of a
country, one assumed a different course and character of the revolution:
Only in highly capitalist countries like the USA, Germany or Great
Britain, the direct transition to the dictatorship of the proletariat
was on the agenda. In countries with medium development (Spain,
Portugal, Poland, Hungary, the Balkan countries), the rapid transition
from bourgeois-democratic revolution or immediately to a socialist
revolution, which also fulfills the tasks of the bourgeois revolution,
is possible. In colonial (e.g. India) and semi-colonial countries (e.g.
China, Persia) and “dependent” countries (Argentina and Brazil are
mentioned as examples), on the other hand, must first fight against
feudal and pre-capitalist forms of exploitation and systematically
develop the agrarian revolution, and, on the other hand, to fight
against foreign imperialism for national independence. The transition to
socialism here was only possible through a series of intermediate
stages of a bourgeois-revolutionary character. In even more backward
countries, especially in parts of Africa, where a large part of the
population lives as a tribal society and without wage relations, where
there was hardly any national bourgeoisie and imperialism occupied the
countries militarily, the struggle for national independence was the
central task. But the national uprisings could also open the way for the
direct development towards socialism and the leapfrogging of the
capitalist stage of development<sup><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote12sym" id="sdfootnote12anc"><sup>12</sup></a></sup>.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">While it is fundamentally true that the strategy of the communists
depends on whether capitalist conditions have already developed in a
country, the formulations of the program exhibit a problematic
ambiguity: By excluding colonial and semi-colonial countries like China
and India with “dependent” but politically independent states like
Brazil and Argentina, the program failed to recognize that overcoming
the colonial rule had brought about a qualitatively changed situation.
This led to an underestimation of capitalist development in the
sovereign states and left the door open for a policy of supporting the
“national” bourgeoisie against the foreign capitalists. The Comintern
did not state sufficiently that support for the bourgeoisie in the less
developed capitalist countries would merely strengthen them within the
imperialist world system and would in no way lead to a weakening of
imperialism itself.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The question of strategy in the less developed countries was also
then a matter of dispute within the Comintern and led to a decade of
heated discussions that would merit an in-depth analysis and to which we
intend to return in the future. On the one hand, from the very
beginning the Communist International made a deep break with the
opportunism of the organizations of the Second International, which
supported the colonial policies of their own states, even though the
leadership of the Comintern had to constantly make efforts to overcome
the chauvinist culture that still existed in many communist parties in
the colonial powers. National liberation movements were seen as a pillar
of world revolution, and this justified the alliance not only with the
peasant movements, but also with at least part of the bourgeoisie in
these countries. On the other hand, the organizational and ideological
autonomy of the communists had to be protected. Moreover, there was a
danger of ignoring the fact that colonial societies were also divided
into antagonistic classes and that capitalist development and
industrialization in these countries should not be underestimated. This
was the predictable result of the imperialist system itself (e.g.,
through the export of capital), which did not act unilaterally as a
brake on the productive forces in the weakly developed countries. The
resolutions of the Sixth Congress largely relativized these aspects and
were criticized for this by some important sections of the Comintern.
Significant, for example, was the decision of the Communist Party of
Great Britain, for example, not to join them because <i>“the theses
reduced their analysis to a picture of the transformation of the
colonies into an agrarian backcountry or appendages of the metropolis.
While this was partly (only partly!) true for the objective conditions
of the classical (competitive) stage of capitalism, it does not apply to
the imperialist stage of capitalism.”</i> In their critique, this meant that <i>“the role of the bourgeoisie in the present epoch is a counterrevolutionary one.</i>”<sup><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote13sym" id="sdfootnote13anc"><sup>13</sup></a></sup></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">A little later, in 1931, the general secretary of the Communist Party
of Ecuador, Ricardo Paredes, similarly criticized the program of the
Communist International for underestimating capitalist development in
these countries. He identified a group of countries in Latin America <i>“in
which the force of imperialism does not predominate. This is due either
to the political strength of these countries (Argentina, Brazil), or to
the weak economic penetration of imperialism (Ecuador). Due to this
lack of preponderance of imperialism, the development of capitalism
advances faster than in the colonies, which generates a stronger
proletariat and national bourgeoisie, and therefore a greater sharpening
of the class struggle between capital-labor.”</i><sup><i><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote14sym" id="sdfootnote14anc"><sup>14</sup></a></i></sup></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Despite this weakness on the question of strategy in weakly developed
capitalist countries, the 1928 program as a whole was a milestone in
the revolutionary, strategic development of the world communist
movement. If today it is often described as “sectarian” and “left-wing
radical,” it should be noted that such criticism, in the face of an
essentially correct development of strategy, especially for the
developed capitalist countries, has no basis.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b>The turnaround at the VII World Congress in 1935</b></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The erroneous assessment of the VI World Congress and the 1928
program as “sectarian left” is essentially a consequence of the
decisions of the last World Congress of the Comintern, which met in 1935
and in some respects set the course for an opposite orientation.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">At the VII World Congress, the General Secretary of the Comintern
Georgi Dimitroff gave his famous speech on the struggle of the working
class against fascism. In the meantime, the world situation had changed
noticeably: German fascism was no longer just one political enemy among
others with which the German communists had to deal; it had been in
power since the beginning of 1933, had crushed the organized German
workers’ movement and especially the communist party in a very short
time, and had pushed them into the deepest illegality; German fascism
now had to be increasingly factored in as an existential threat by the
Soviet Union. Japan, which after Korea had 1931 annexed Manchuria, and
Italy, which was massively rearming and would start its colonial war in
Ethiopia a few months later, were also acting ever more aggressively.
Whereas in earlier years the military threat to the Soviet Union had
tended to come for example from Britain, it was now no longer possible
to ignore that the fascist Axis powers – Germany, Italy and Japan – had
become the main threat to the USSR and also to the world communist
movement.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">In this situation, Dimitroff called for a reorientation of the
communists’ struggle against rising fascism and, in this context, a
changed policy of alliances: the alliance with bourgeois non-fascist
parties should now also be sought. Cooperation was to be sought with the
social-democratic parties within the framework of the united front, and
“no one would be attacked, neither persons nor organizations, nor
parties that were in favor of the united front of the working class
against the class enemy”<sup><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote15sym" id="sdfootnote15anc"><sup>15</sup></a></sup>.
This meant that the “class enemy” was only fascism, and the attitude of
social democracy to the united front, but not to the rule of capital in
general, became the decisive criterion for whether or not the
communists would attack it.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">But Dimitroff went even further in his speech: “The interests of the
class struggle of the proletariat and the success of the proletarian
revolution make it imperative that there be a single party of the
proletariat in each country”<sup><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote16sym" id="sdfootnote16anc"><sup>16</sup></a></sup>.
Although independence from the bourgeoisie and a revolutionary
orientation of this party were necessary for this, it was not specified
whether the ideological basis of this party should be Marxism-Leninism
or something else. Nor was it clarified how it should be possible to win
over Social Democracy, which a few years earlier had still been
regarded – and rightly so – as a decidedly counterrevolutionary
anti-socialist force, suddenly for the socialist revolution. Instead of
communist youth work, there were now to be broad “anti-fascist” youth
associations, and in the U.S. even an “anti-fascist” and non-socialist
mass party was concretely suggested to the communists<sup><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote17sym" id="sdfootnote17anc"><sup>17</sup></a></sup>..
The resolutions on the Bolshevization of the communist parties of 1924
and the program of 1928, in which the independence of the revolutionary
party and its front position against opportunism and social democracy
were thus strongly relativized, without explicitly resolving this.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Communist participation in government within the framework of the
“proletarian united front” (i.e., together with the Social Democracy) or
the “anti-fascist popular front” (i.e., with the Social Democracy and
other bourgeois parties) was now also declared necessary under certain
conditions. Such governments could develop into a “transitional form”
toward socialism. Even though Dimitroff declared that this was not to be
understood as a “democratic intermediate stage” or as a peaceful
transition, it still fostered hope by some in a participation in
bourgeois government and a gradual transition to socialism within the
bourgeois state. This hope was nowhere fulfilled. The Comintern has to
be criticized for the slogans of “united” or “popular front”, for
fueling illusions in peaceful transition through participation in
bourgeois government</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The new alliance orientation was understood more as a change in
tactics, not as a new strategy. The program and strategy of 1928 were
not abrogated, so formally they continued to apply. Nevertheless, the
focus of the Communists’ political struggle was now quite different, and
it was not made explicitly clear that the new decisions were merely a
temporary tactical adjustment in the face of the fascist threat to their
existence. It became possible nonetheless to maintain the essential
guidelines of the Popular Front policy even beyond the Second World War
and the military crushing of fascism<sup><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote18sym" id="sdfootnote18anc"><sup>18</sup></a></sup>.
The fact that the rejection of government participation, apart from
very rare cases, must be a matter of principle for the communist party,
just like the fundamental position against social democracy. During this
“tactical” alliance it was however no longer regarded as principal. The
decisive difference here is not, as was often criticized on the part of
the Trotskyists, whether the communists relied on the popular front
(alliance with social-democratic and other bourgeois parties) or merely
the united front (alliance just with the social-democratic parties) for
social democracy, too, was and is in its class character a party of the
bourgeoisie defending capitalist exploitation. The decisive difference
in strategy lies in whether the united front with the workers of
bourgeois worldviews (social-democratic, religious, etc.) is sought
“from below,” that is, without and against the leaderships of their
parties, or whether the communists enter into a collaboration with
bourgeois political forces, that is, ultimately with the bourgeoisie.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The Comintern’s new orientation was also based on a changed
understanding of fascism itself. Dimitroff’s famous definition of
fascism in power as “the open, terrorist dictatorship of the most
reactionary, chauvinist, most imperialist elements of finance capital”
stood out clearly from the previous understanding of fascism as a
dictatorship of the monopolies as a whole. The distinction of the
bourgeoisie into a fascist and a supposedly “anti-fascist” part now also
made possible a policy of cooperation with the latter.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The Comintern made the mistake here of omitting the fact that fascism
resulted from the laws of the capitalist mode of production as a whole
and ultimately had to rely on the entire bourgeoisie as a form of rule.
For even if it is possible that in the bourgeois state certain sections
of the capitalist class can preferentially assert their interests, the
state nevertheless secures the property and thus the rule of the entire
class. This is no different in fascism, so even in the fascist state the
bourgeoisie as a whole is in power and must be fought as a whole by the
communists.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The VII World Congress was altogether a turning point in the
development of the Comintern. The Communists faced the enormous
challenge of finding an appropriate approach in the face of extremely
dangerous fascist dictatorships. Dimitroff’s paper, which dominated the
entire congress, shows very clearly the effort to make certain tactical
concessions, on the one hand, in order to draw the broadest possible
forces into the struggle against fascism, but on the other hand, to hold
on fundamentally to the goal of proletarian revolution. Again and again
the revolution is affirmed as a necessity, again and again conditions
are set for the compromises made to the bourgeois forces – though mostly
conditions whose fulfillment was unrealistic (such as the joint
struggle against the offensive of capital or, within the framework of a
united proletarian party, even the joint struggle for the dictatorship
of the proletariat) and which therefore inevitably had to evoke the
dilemma of either making further concessions to bourgeois politics or
abandoning the effort to form an alliance.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The situation in which the communist movement found itself in 1935
must be taken into account: With the KPD, one of the most important
parties of the Comintern had been almost completely destroyed by the
fascists within a very short time. A war against Germany and Japan would
have posed an immediate threat to the Soviet Union’s existence. Not to
react to these changes would not have been an option. Nevertheless, the
decisions of the World Congress, in the form in which they were taken
and justified, were bound to encourage the emergence of false strategic
conceptions.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b>The years after the VII World Congress</b></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">In the following years, the fascist threat grew steadily. In Spain,
the Republic’s war against the fascists began a year later with the
fascist coup by the military, which the Republic lost despite massive
support from the Soviet Union and the Comintern. In East Asia, World War
II broke out as early as 1937 with the Japanese invasion of unoccupied
China, and in 1938-39 there were repeated battles between the Red Army
and the Imperial Japanese Army on the Soviet-Japanese border. Nazi
Germany, meanwhile, annexed Austria and the Sudeten territories and then
subjugated the rest of the Czech Republic.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Until 1939, the Soviet Union tried by all means to win over Great
Britain and France for a system of collective security in order to stop
the aggressive expansion of Germany. But the British and French
governments hoped to use the German fascists as a battering ram against
the Soviet Union, for which they even threw their ally Czechoslovakia to
Hitler rather than accept the Soviet offer to jointly defend
Czechoslovakia. The Soviet Union pursued the negotiations with the
highest priority and seriously, while the French and British sides
pursued them only as a sham and as a stalling tactic, with no intention
of really concluding an agreement. They thus forced the Soviet Union,
finally after years of futile efforts, to abandon its tactics and
conclude a non-aggression treaty with Germany in order to delay the war
with Germany at least for a short period of time.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The Non-Aggression Treaty, which today in anti-communist propaganda
is called the “Hitler-Stalin Pact” and in a complete distortion of the
facts is interpreted as an “alliance of totalitarian dictators,” was an
emergency measure that could hardly have been avoided and gave the
Soviet Union additional valuable months to prepare for war. The
communist parties in many countries, however, faced difficult challenges
in explaining and justifying the Soviet Union’s new foreign policy
after years of stressing the need to combine all forces against fascism.
It must be emphasized, however, that the Comintern maintained its
anti-fascist policy even after the agreement. For example, Dimitroff’s
diary shows that in 1940, after the German invasion of Yugoslavia and
Greece, the Comintern instructed the CPs there to organize propaganda
against the German occupation and to organize armed resistance. The
French CP was also assisted in organizing resistance to the German
occupation<sup><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote19sym" id="sdfootnote19anc"><sup>19</sup></a></sup>..
If it is sometimes claimed that after the “Hitler-Stalin Pact” and
until the German invasion of the Soviet Union in June 1941, the Soviet
Union and the communist parties had in the meantime abandoned their
opposition to fascism, this does not correspond to the facts.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The Non-Aggression Treaty thus marked not only an about-face in
Soviet foreign policy, but also in the political line of the Comintern.
The slogan of the Popular Front was now abolished. Whereas the Comintern
had previously pursued cooperation with bourgeois forces against
fascism, it now assessed that “<i>The current war is imperialist and
unjust. The bourgeoisie of all the warring states is to be held
responsible for it. This war cannot be supported by the working class of
these countries, not to mention its communist parties. (…) This war has
radically changed the situation: the division of the capitalist states
between fascist and democratic is not in force any longer. As a result
it is necessary to change tactics. The tactics of the communist party of
the belligerent countries at this point is to expose its imperialist
character, have communist deputies vote against war credits, tell the
masses that the war will give nothing but privation and suffering.</i>“<sup><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote20sym" id="sdfootnote20anc"><sup>20</sup></a></sup>.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The new orientation contained correct assessments in essence, namely
that it was a war between imperialist countries and that the bourgeoisie
of France and Great Britain had played a large part in bringing it
about – above all through their appeasement policy and de facto support
of fascist Germany in the fight against the Spanish Republic and as a
battering ram against the Soviet Union. On the other hand, the danger
posed to world communism by the fascist Axis powers seemed to be
underestimated, because the Comintern’s orientation could be understood
as meaning that it was irrelevant for the communist movement which side
would win the war.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">On June 22, 1941, troops of the German Wehrmacht crossed the border
with the USSR on a broad front. The Non-Aggression Treaty was broken by
Germany and the Great Patriotic War began, the bloodiest part of World
War II in Europe, which finally ended with the military annihilation of
fascism. The Comintern was now faced with the task of organizing the
struggle of the communist parties against German aggression in all the
belligerent countries. In the occupied countries, this meant advancing
organized resistance to the occupation. Almost everywhere, the
communists were the most active, largest and most propelling force of
the anti-fascist resistance. In Italy, Yugoslavia, France, Greece,
Albania, Poland, China, Korea, Indochina and the occupied parts of the
Soviet Union, among others, partisan units were formed under communist
leadership, which in the following years succeeded in building up mass
popular support and sparking an effective war against the fascist
occupiers, inflicting constant losses on them, tying up large
contingents of troops and repeatedly disrupting their supply lines. The
communists of various nationalities and continents made enormous
sacrifices in the process and accomplished the unimaginable, waging the
struggle against the fascists under the most difficult conditions and in
the deepest illegality, which in most cases the social democrats and
other bourgeois forces were unwilling or unable to do.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b>The decision to dissolve the Comintern</b></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">During the war, the Comintern had lost importance in practice, since
many communist parties now had to work in illegality, the Soviet Union
itself was involved in a life-and-death struggle, and therefore the
regular structures of the International no longer functioned as before.
But at the VII World Congress there had already been a shift in the
relationship between the world organization and its national sections.
Already at that time, the ECCI wrote in its report that it was a matter
of assisting “<i>the Communist Parties in making use of their own
experience as well as the experience of the world Communist movement,
avoiding, however, the mechanical application of the experience of one
country to another country and the substitution, of stereotyped methods
and general formulations for concrete Marxian analysis</i>“<sup><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote21sym" id="sdfootnote21anc"><sup>21</sup></a></sup>. It was further stated that the ECCI must “<i>to
proceed from the concrete situation and specific conditions obtaining
in each particular country and as a rule avoid direct intervention in
internal organisational matters of the Communist Parties.</i>“<sup><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote22sym" id="sdfootnote22anc"><sup>22</sup></a></sup>.
Thus the Comintern had already adopted to a certain extent the logic
that the class struggle is determined above all by national conditions
and that the communist parties of the various countries would already
know best what to do. Already the VII World Congress therefore
implicitly questioned the necessity of the International. The decision
to dissolve in 1943 thus did not come out of the blue.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">In bourgeois accounts, it is common to portray the decision as a
concession by the Soviet leadership to the Western Allies to consolidate
the alliance of the anti-Hitler coalition at the height of the Great
Patriotic War. This was certainly a motivating factor, as Stalin’s reply
to Reuters’ Moscow reporter on May 28, 1943, shows: “<i>The
dissolution of the Communist International is proper and timely because
it facilitates the organization of the common onslaught of all
freedom-loving nations against the common enemy—Hitlerism. (…) It
exposes the lie of the Hitlerites to the effect that “Moscow” allegedly
intends to intervene in the life of other nations and to “Bolshevize”
them. (…) It facilitates the work of patriots of all countries for
uniting the progressive forces of their respective countries, regardless
of party or religious faith, into a single camp of national
liberation—for unfolding the struggle against fascism.</i>“<sup><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote23sym" id="sdfootnote23anc"><sup>23</sup></a></sup>
Thus Stalin openly stated that for the duration of the common struggle
against fascism it could not be a question of advancing the revolution
in the Western capitalist countries.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">This orientation is at first understandable in a situation of
life-and-death struggle – a defeat of the Red Army by Nazi Germany would
not only have meant immeasurable suffering, but would also have set
back the world revolutionary process enormously. But problematic was the
creation of a notion that there was a “freedom-loving” camp that
included, in addition to the Soviet Union, some of the most powerful
imperialist states, which in the past had themselves committed countless
barbaric crimes and genocides, brutally repressed communists and the
labor movement, etc. This opened the way for a later opportunist policy
of alliance with bourgeois forces, even when the front against the
capitalist powers of the former “anti-Hitler coalition” (1946/47) was
resumed.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">However, the account that the dissolution of the Comintern was a
concession to the capitalist allies ignores the fact that there had
already been internal discussions in the leading circles of the
International since 1941 about whether the organization was not now
obsolete – at a time, that is, when the Soviet Union was not yet at war,
let alone in an alliance with the USA and Great Britain. Thus, as early
as April 1941, Stalin held corresponding talks with Dimitroff and the
leaders of the French and Italian Communist parties, Thorez and
Togliatti, in which it was unanimously stated that the CPs had to be
independent, had to have their own programs, and should not “looking
over their shoulders at Moscow. “<sup><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote24sym" id="sdfootnote24anc"><sup>24</sup></a></sup>
Even earlier, in November 1940, the Communist Party of the USA had
withdrawn from the Comintern for tactical reasons. Obviously, no
alliance tactical considerations of Soviet foreign policy were decisive
in these events, but rather the idea, already developed at the VII World
Congress, that due to the different national conditions a common
organization of the Communists would be counterproductive.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">It was therefore to be taken seriously, and certainly in no way
dishonestly, when the Presidium of the ECCI, in its decision to dissolve
on May 15, 1943, formulated: <i>“But long before the war it became
increasingly clear that, to the extent that the internal as well as the
international situation of individual countries became more complicated,
the solution of the problems of the labor movement of each individual
country through the medium of some international centre would meet with
insuperable obstacles. The deep differences in the historical roads of
development of each country of the world, the diverse character and even
the contradiction in their social orders, the difference in the level
and rate of their social and political development and finally the
difference in the degree of consciousness and organisation of the
workers’ conditioned also the various problems which face the working
class of each individual country. The entire course of events for the
past quarter of a century, as well as the accumulated experiences of the
Communist International, have convincingly proved that the
organisational form for uniting the workers as chosen by the First
Congress of the Communist International, which corresponded to the needs
of the initial period of rebirth of the labor movement, more and more
outlived itself in proportion to the growth of this movement and the
increasing complexity of problems in each country, and that this form
even became a hindrance to the further strengthening of the national
workers’ parties.”</i><sup><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote25sym" id="sdfootnote25anc"><sup>25</sup></a></sup></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The substantive connection to the VII World Congress was obvious,
emphasizing the diversity of tasks in the different countries and
continuing to propagate the policy of the popular front of all
anti-fascist forces in the non-fascist countries.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">This second motive for the decision to dissolve the Comintern can be
regarded as the more decisive one, since, unlike the motive of making
concessions to the West in the war, it had already been indicated since
1935 and since then steps had in fact already been taken in the
direction of the dissolution of the Comintern (by strengthening the
autonomous action of the CPs and the withdrawal of the CPUSA). This
reflects a fundamental rethinking on the part of the leaders of the
world communist movement, who increasingly no longer assumed the
necessity of a leading center.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The dissolution of the International was discussed in a small
leadership circle, which was hardly possible otherwise under the
conditions of the World War, but it was by no means forced upon the
communist parties, but was welcomed by many of them. Officially, even
all national sections agreed to the decision to dissolve, and no
objection was raised by any of them. Many communist parties justified it
even many years later<sup><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote26sym" id="sdfootnote26anc"><sup>26</sup></a></sup>.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">As an example, we quote Palmiro Togliatti, who later formulated the view that it was “<i>
absurd that they thought they could exercise, from a single center,
true leadership action. Communist parties had to become by their own
strength a political factor in their country and thus be able to move
independently, depending on the course of events, turning points,
successes and failures. Thus already implicit in the decisions of the
Seventh Congress was, in a sense, the decision to disband that was made
in 1943, when it was openly declared that the previous centralized form
of organization no longer corresponded to the situation and state of the
movement.</i> “<sup><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote27sym" id="sdfootnote27anc"><sup>27</sup></a></sup> Mao Tse-tung also welcomed the decision to dissolve<sup><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote28sym" id="sdfootnote28anc"><sup>28</sup></a></sup> and Zhou Enlai, as Premier of the People’s Republic of China, later stated, “<i>It was necessary to establish the Communist International and it was also necessary to dissolve it</i>.”<sup><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote29sym" id="sdfootnote29anc"><sup>29</sup></a></sup></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b>How is the dissolution of the Comintern to be evaluated?</b></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">There is no doubt that the dissolution of the Comintern was a
disastrous and momentous mistake of the communist leaders of the time in
the medium and long term. The decision negated and ignored the
experience of the revolutionary workers’ movement since the 19th
century, which had repeatedly shown the need for a common organization
of the working classes of all countries against the common enemy. The
existence of the III. International had been one of the greatest
achievements of the world communist movement, which was now abandoned by
its leaders. Through the International, the building of the communist
parties and the class-oriented trade union movement did not have to be
laboriously undertaken in each country entirely by its own efforts;
instead, the communists received enormous and varied support. The idea
that now, due to the increased strength of the CPs in many countries,
such support would no longer be necessary was a fatal mistake, because
there could never be a guarantee that the world communist movement,
after its flights of fancy, would not also have to struggle again
through difficult times of crisis, in which a world organization would
be vital. This was actually already shown by the history of the
communist parties at that time: The KPD, for example, was characterized
by internal directional struggles until the end of the 1920s, and it
took a long time before the direction advocated by Ernst Thälmann
prevailed, which corresponded to the line of the Comintern. Even at the
beginning of the 1930s, the Comintern itself had noted that
Bolshevization had never been sufficiently carried out, that is, that
even despite the existence of the International, its directives had not
been comprehensively put into practice.<sup><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote30sym" id="sdfootnote30anc"><sup>30</sup></a></sup> To believe that the communist parties had sufficiently experienced and steadfast cadres was obviously an illusion.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">In the colonies and semi-colonies, the Comintern made an important
contribution to winning the national liberation struggles of the
oppressed peoples for an alliance with the communist movement and to
propagating the struggle for socialism in them. All this now fell away
or had to be accomplished by other, worse means, mainly through the
official diplomacy of the USSR as the strongest socialist state.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Above all, however, by abandoning the joint development of program
and strategy, the door was opened to opportunism. From then on, all
kinds of (usually right-wing) deviations from revolutionary strategy
were introduced under the guise of taking “national characteristics”
into account. A common struggle against these deviations on an
international level and attempts to correct misorientations took place
only to a limited extent, at least no longer as a structured, collective
discussion process of the world communist movement. Instead, such
corrections were now made only in the individual communist parties
themselves (for example, in the CP of Greece, whose General Secretary
Zachariadis moved to reject the previous strategy of intermediate stages
in 1949<sup><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote31sym" id="sdfootnote31anc"><sup>31</sup></a></sup>)
or in bilateral exchanges (for example, in Stalin’s criticism of the CP
of China and its concept of a “socialism with Chinese characteristics”<sup><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote32sym" id="sdfootnote32anc"><sup>32</sup></a></sup>).
The absence of a leading center and a systematic collective reflection
of the world communist movement weighed all the more heavily, because
the last World Congress of the Comintern had opened some doors to right
opportunism and these would now never be closed by a renewed Comintern
decision.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">As a result, the decisions of the VII World Congress on the Popular
Front, which Dimitroff had actually declared to be tactical changes, in
fact functioned as strategic, as permanent decisions. Since there was
now no longer a recognized, designated place to discuss these decisions
again, to evaluate them critically and, if necessary, to revise them,
only selective and tactical corrections were still made on them. Popular
Front policy thus became, partly unconsciously, an integral part of the
political culture of the world communist movement and its questioning
was often treated as sacrilege.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">When we judge the decision to dissolve the Comintern today, we should
be aware that a judgment in retrospect is always something different
from a judgment from the point of view of contemporaries. The comrades
who made the decisions at that time necessarily had a more limited
horizon of experience and, above all, they did not have the advantage of
knowing the further historical course. We must never forget that,
first, the Soviet Union and the communist movement were in an extremely
cruel struggle for survival, and that in this situation they had to
grasp at every straw they could. Secondly, today we can see
retrospectively how certain actions played out in the long run and what
unforeseen negative consequences they had. It therefore cannot be a
matter of condemning our past, of renouncing it, or of denying the
revolutionary character of the Comintern in its later years, but of
naming and analyzing the mistakes made as such, in order to correct them
where possible and to avoid them in the future.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">One such mistake was the dissolution of the Comintern. In the end,
this decision cannot be justified. By 1943, all the Western Allies were
already at war with Nazi Germany and the military situation had turned
in favor of the Red Army after the battles for Moscow and Stalingrad. In
the months that followed, the Red Army was able to inflict another
stinging defeat on the Wehrmacht at the Battle of Kursk. If there was
any hope in the leadership of the Comintern and the Soviet Union that
the Western imperialists would abandon their fundamentally hostile
attitude toward the Soviet Union and communist movement in return for
the Comintern’s dissolution, this was a dangerous illusion. Immediately
after World War II, bourgeois forces everywhere resumed fighting the
communists, in some countries militarily (Greece, Vietnam, Korea,
Malaya), and prepared to fight the Soviet Union. Even before the end of
the war, parts of the U.S. state made plans for a separate peace with
Nazi Germany, which were thwarted thanks to the intervention of Soviet
intelligence (“Operation Sunrise”). As early as 1945, immediately after
the end of World War II in Europe and while the war in East Asia was
still raging, the British General Staff developed concrete plans for a
war of aggression against the Soviet Union (“Operation Unthinkable”),
which were not put into action only because of the strength of the Red
Army – and not because of concessions to the British imperialists.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Most importantly, the argument that different conditions of struggle
would be a valid argument against joint international organizing and
strategy development must also be rejected. Having a common strategic
orientation means having a unified approach in determining the enemy,
the target and the forces on which to rely. It does not mean ignoring
national peculiarities or becoming tactically inflexible, so that one
would have to respond to every concrete situation with the same scheme –
as the Comintern had also repeatedly emphasized in its resolutions.
Today, the necessity of a unidirectional strategic orientation results
from the fact that everywhere in the world imperialism, i.e. monopoly
capital, has asserted itself as the dominant social relation and has
subsumed all social relations. This stage of development leaves no more
room for intermediate stages between capitalism and socialism or for
national liberation struggles that would be detached from the struggle
for socialism. And even when this was different in the 1920s and 30s,
when the world was still dominated by the colonial system and large
semi-colonial territories, the Comintern was able to take into account
the widely divergent preconditions, conditions of struggle and tasks
ahead for communists in the colonies, semi-colonies, independent
countries with only beginning capitalist development and developed
imperialist countries. The Comintern’s 1928 program, often maligned as
“left sectarian,” did not envisage exactly the same course of action for
all countries, but took as its starting point the different conditions
in order to develop in each case a policy appropriate to the situation.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">If the justification for the decision to dissolve also suggested that
the Comintern – like the International Workingmen’s Association – had a
right to exist only for a limited time, this too is problematic. It is
not evident why the need for the international unification of the
working class should expire at a certain point; after all, the goal
continued to be a world socialist revolution. Moreover, the decision to
dissolve gave no indication whatsoever of how the coordination of the
world communist movement might look in the future, and it was some years
before a new instrument for this was even created in the form of the
Communist Information Bureau.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">However, the wrong decision to dissolve the Comintern was not a
“betrayal of the world revolutionary cause” in favor of national
interests of the Soviet Union, as is often argued today, and not only by
Trotskyists. What is particularly contradictory is that often the same
forces accuse the Soviet Union of having turned the Comintern into a
compliant instrument of its state interests. If this had been the case,
however, the question would arise all the more in what way it would have
been in the Soviet Union’s “national interest” to abandon this
instrument.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">In fact, the interests of the Soviet Union and the goal of world
revolution were inextricably linked, because long-term survival of the
Soviet Union, as Stalin had also repeatedly emphasized, could only be
ensured by further socialist revolutions. The relationship between the
two aspects was complicated primarily by the rise of fascism and the
need to fight it and delay war against the Soviet Union. This led to
some tactical compromises and twists in which the goal of protecting the
Soviet Union was given priority over immediate fighting goals of the
communist parties in the capitalist countries. This was also
understandable and correct in principle, since a destruction of the
Soviet Union would have meant a world-historical defeat for the
communists of the whole world as well – as the experience after 1990 has
shown. However, it would have been necessary, in the relationship
between the interests of the Soviet Union and those of the world
communist movement, to give greater prominence to the latter once the
immediate danger of the destruction of the Soviet state had passed. In
other words, the favorable situation for the spread of the revolution,
which existed in 1945 and also later at various points, should have been
exploited more offensively.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">With the dissolution of the Comintern, the world communist movement
embarked on a polycentric path, allowing opportunism great room for
maneuver in each country. The independence of the communist parties
became a tool to shield any opportunist deviation from outside criticism
in the name of non-interference. All this was ultimately to the
detriment of the USSR, which was thus forced to intervene by force on
several occasions, because in some communist parties even openly
counter-revolutionary currents asserted themselves (as in Hungary in
1956 and Czechoslovakia in 1968), which, if they had been allowed to do
so, would not only have liquidated socialism in their countries within a
short time, but would also have drastically shifted the balance of
power between the imperialist and socialist camps in favor of the
former. The Soviet Union now had to intervene to protect existential
interests and paid a high price for it politically – the alternative
would have been to prevent such situations from arising in the first
place by developing a common strategy for the world communist movement.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">With the takeover of power by counterrevolutionary forces in the
Soviet Union in the 1980s, the USSR’s internationalist involvement also
ended. The end of internationalism also meant the end of “interference”
in the affairs of other states: The revolutionary government of
Afghanistan was dropped and thrown to the aggressive counterrevolution
of the Mujahideen, which was highly armed by the United States, while
the other allied countries were also denied their previous generous
economic support, accelerating the victory of counterrevolution in most
countries.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b>The Communist Information Bureau (Cominform)</b></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">In contrast, in the years immediately following the dissolution of
the International, that is, 1944 and the following years, the lack of a
common strategy for socialist revolution became painfully apparent. A
number of communist parties made serious mistakes in this phase,
postponing the struggle for socialism to an indefinite future<sup><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote33sym" id="sdfootnote33anc"><sup>33</sup></a></sup>
or joining so-called governments of “national unity”-a continuation of
the Popular Front governments-and in the process, in effect, backing the
bourgeois parties for the consolidation of capitalist rule.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The lack of coordination among the communist parties was increasingly
perceived as a deficiency in the following years, even if the mistake
of dissolving the International was not recognized as such. In September
1947, the Communist Information Bureau (Cominform) was founded in
Szklarska Poreba, Poland, but unlike the Comintern, it included only a
few selected parties: In addition to the CPSU, the CPs of the Eastern
European countries (Bulgaria, the GDR, Yugoslavia, Poland, Romania,
Czechoslovakia, and Hungary) and the French and Italian CPs. The
resolution establishing the Cominform stated “<i>that the lack of
liaison between the communist parties participating in the present
meeting is a serious disadvantage under the present condition.
Experience has shown that such a lack of liaison among the communist
parties is wrong and harmful</i>. “<sup><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote34sym" id="sdfootnote34anc"><sup>34</sup></a></sup></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">A few days earlier at the meeting Andrei Zhdanov, the leading Soviet
politician in the establishment of the Cominform, had criticized in a
famous speech: “<i>Some comrades under- stood the dissolution of the
Comintern to imply the elimination of all ties, of all contact, between
the fraternal Communist parties. But experience has shown that such
mutual isolation of the Communist parties is wrong, harmful and, in
point of fact, unnatural. The Communist movement develops within
national frameworks, but there are tasks and interests common to the
parties of various countries. We get a rather curious state of affairs:
the Socialists, who stopped at nothing to prove that the Comintern
dictated directives from Moscow to the Communists of all countries, have
restored their International; yet the Communists even refrain from
meeting one another, let alone consulting with one another on questions
of mutual interest to them, from fear of the slan- derous talk of their
enemies regarding the ‘hand of Moscow’.</i>“<sup><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote35sym" id="sdfootnote35anc"><sup>35</sup></a></sup></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The return to organized exchange among the communist parties was
undoubtedly a step forward, but it could not replace the Comintern.
Firstly, the Cominform was a comparatively arbitrary association from
which most, even some very important, communist parties were excluded.
And second, it was explicitly not organized as a centralized
organization with national sections, but rather as an exchange forum
between parties that were independent of each other.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The Cominform was nevertheless useful in countering the opportunism
that took hold in the practice of various communist parties after World
War II. The Italian CP (PCI), for example, was already in the process of
effectively abandoning its revolutionary goal and its mode of
organization as a Party of the New Type. As early as April 1944,
Togliatti declared, “<i>I know, comrades, that the problem of doing
what was done in Russia does not arise for Italian workers today. […] We
shall propose to the people to make Italy a democratic republic, with a
constitution that guarantees all freedoms to all Italians: freedom of
thought and that of speech; freedom of the press, association and
assembly; freedom of religion and worship; and the freedom of small and
medium-sized property to develop without being crushed by the greedy and
selfish groups of the plutocracy, that is, of monopoly big capitalism.
[…] The character of our party must change profoundly […] we can no
longer be a small, narrow association of propagandists of the general
ideas of communism and Marxism. […] We must be the party closest to the
people […] It is the duty of communists to be close to all popular
strata.”</i><sup><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote36sym" id="sdfootnote36anc"><sup>36</sup></a></sup> And again the argument of “national peculiarities” appears: “<i>International
experience tells us that under the present conditions of the class
struggle in the entire world, the working class and the vanguard working
masses can find new paths to socialism, different from those, for
example, that were followed by the working class and workers of the
Soviet Union. I draw your attention to a great example: that of
Yugoslavia. […] In each country […] in relation to national traditions
and characteristics […] the march towards democracy and socialism takes
particular forms.</i>“<sup><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote37sym" id="sdfootnote37anc"><sup>37</sup></a></sup></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">At the founding conference of the Kominform, Zhdanov criticized the
PCI and PCF for their inertia in the revolutionary struggle, for
collaborating with the bourgeoisie, and for their willingness to
compromise with Catholic and social-democratic parties<sup><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote38sym" id="sdfootnote38anc"><sup>38</sup></a></sup>.
Then the Yugoslav delegation, in consultation with Zhdanov, detailed
its criticism of the Italian and French comrades. They were accused of
servility to Gaullism and the Vatican, illusions in the peaceful
parliamentary struggle, disarming the partisan armies. The idea that a
people’s democracy could be achieved through the participation of the
Communists in a bourgeois government was criticized, as was the way in
which the PCF was organized, which had turned into a broad mass party
concerned only with quantitative growth. There was talk of a “<i>tendency
towards revision of Marxism-Leninism, towards a deviation […] there was
a deviation towards opportunism and parliamentarism in the French
Party, the Italian Party, as in other Parties</i>“<sup><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote39sym" id="sdfootnote39anc"><sup>39</sup></a></sup></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">A year later, at the second conference of the Kominform in June 1948,
relations with the CP of Yugoslavia had deteriorated massively, since
that party now also held right opportunist positions, and to an even
greater extent. The CPJ was now accused of a hostile attitude toward the
Soviet Union, of basing its policies primarily on the peasantry rather
than the working class and, in this context, of tolerating the
development of private property, of relativizing the leading role of the
party and effectively dissolving it into a broad “popular front,” and
of disregarding democratic centralism and transforming itself into a
bureaucratic and authoritarian organization<sup><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote40sym" id="sdfootnote40anc"><sup>40</sup></a></sup>. As a result, the CP of Yugoslavia was expelled from the Cominform.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">However, these important interventions against the emerging
revisionist tendencies were not sufficient; moreover, there were already
problematic aspects in the strategic ideas of the Soviet leadership at
that time. Thus, in 1950, in talks with the General Secretary of the
Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) Harry Pollitt, Stalin criticized
on the one hand its compromising attitude toward social democracy: “<i>The
English Communists in the programme of their party should openly say
that the Labourites are not at all socialists but in fact are the
left-wing of the Conservative Party. It is necessary to say more clearly
that under a Labour government the capitalists feel very good and their
profits go on increasing and that this one fact itself tells that the
Labourites are in no way about to build socialism.</i>” Moreover, he
said, the British Communists were skirting around the question of the
anti-colonial struggle. In addition to these criticisms, however, Stalin
agreed with the CPGB’s tactics for a parliamentary road to socialism.
If the English Communists were accused of wanting to establish the
Soviet system in Britain, they would have to reply, “<i>that they do
not want to weaken the Parliament, that England shall reach socialism
through its own path and not through the path traversed by Soviet power
but through a democratic republic that shall be guided not by
capitalists but by representatives of peoples’ power i.e. a coalition of
workers, working intelligentsia, lower classes of the cities as well as
farmers. Communists must declare that this power shall act through the
Parliament.</i> “<sup><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote41sym" id="sdfootnote41anc"><sup>41</sup></a></sup>
Such positions, however, were not new precisely in relation to the
tactics of the British Communists. Lenin, too, had already recommended
that they support the reformist leaders to some extent in order to beat
the Conservatives in the elections. It was necessary “<i>in the
interests of the revolution, working-class revolutionaries should give
these gentlemen a certain amount of parliamentary support</i>” Lenin said<sup><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote42sym" id="sdfootnote42anc"><sup>42</sup></a></sup>.
Stalin (and Lenin, of course) defended a revolutionary strategy toward
socialism at its core. However, they both made tactical concessions to
reformism that were not helpful in later years in combating opportunism
in the communist movement. The CPSU’s right opportunist turn at the XXth
Party Congress in 1956 could thus appear to be a less abrupt break than
it actually was, because it could be based on the tactical concessions
that had already been made in the past.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Institutionalized cooperation within the framework of the Cominform
was insufficient, but it was better than nothing, or merely informal
bilateral contact between the communist parties. The goal of fighting
opportunism in the world communist movement was no longer shared by the
Soviet leadership after Stalin’s death. After the XXth Party Congress of
the CPSU in February 1956, the CPSU clearly adopted right opportunist
conceptions regarding strategy (the conception of peaceful parliamentary
transition to socialism), the conception of socialism (the conception
of the “state of the whole people” and the increased use of the law of
value under socialism), and foreign policy (peaceful coexistence with
imperialism now understood as friendly relations with it). Under
Khrushchev’s leadership, the CPSU spread these views to the world
communist movement as well. Shortly after the XXth Party Congress, the
Cominform was unilaterally dissolved in April 1956 by a decision of the
CPSU Central Committee, thus liquidating this instrument that had
remained for unifying and coordinating the world communist movement.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">With the Sino-Soviet split (the division of the world communist
movement into the pro-Chinese and pro-Soviet camps), later supplemented
by the split between the Party of Labor of Albania and the Chinese CP,
and the conflicts between Yugoslavia and Albania, serious disputes arose
among the communist parties in the following decades. The lack of a
common organization in which these conflicts could have been settled and
the opportunist positions, which can be found on all sides of these
inter-party conflicts without exception, could possibly have been
fought, weighed heavily. These conflicts deserve further study, as does
the question of whether the absence of the Comintern did not actually
tend to reinforce the preponderance of the major CPs in power over the
other communist parties.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b>The Reorganization of the World Communist Movement since the 1990s</b></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">After the counterrevolution destroyed socialism in the Soviet Union
and the other Eastern European countries, the world communist movement
entered its deepest crisis yet. Numerous communist parties dissolved,
effectively transformed into social-democratic system parties, lost most
of their members, or sank into disorientation and disorganization. The
counterrevolution proved once again how closely linked the communist
movement continued to be in reality, even without a common organization –
almost all socialist countries fell in one quick swoop, and in all the
capitalist countries of the world the communists abruptly lost
influence.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">In this situation, the Communist Party of Greece took the initiative
in 1998 to launch International Meetings of Communist and Workers’
Parties and to create a common Internet presence with the website
solidnet.org.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The international meetings played an important role in the
reconstitution of the world communist movement and the
political-ideological development of the movement. However, from the
outset, they involved parties with very different orientations – from
openly bourgeois-capitalist parties such as the PCF of France, the
“Party of Communist Re-establishment” (Rifondazione Comunista) of Italy
or the CP of China, to parties such as the CP of Greece, which sought a
revolutionary reorientation of the world communist movement. These
differences have deepened in the two and a half decades that have passed
since then.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">In 2009 and 2013, again on the initiative of the KKE, the
International Communist Review, as a joint publication organ of the
Marxist-Leninist parts of the international communist movement, as well
as the Initiative of Communist and Workers’ Parties was founded by
European communist parties. Both advances were aimed at deepening the
union and exchange among the communist parties adhering to
Marxism-Leninism. Some parties, such as the Portuguese CP (PCP) and a
German CP (DKP), did not participate from the outset because they saw in
the closer coordination of Marxist forces a “splitting” of the movement
– and this despite the fact that even the Initiative and the
International Communist Review never consisted solely of
anti-revisionist parties.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">It became apparent that the political-ideological development of the
world communist movement was in constant flux, that often the reference
to Marxism-Leninism was lip service without proper insight, and that the
minimal consensus of rejection of the European Union served to exclude
the openly pro-imperialist “Eurocommunist” parties but, conversely, was
by no means sufficient to unite the truly communist forces.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Some of the parties that initially contributed to the International
Communist Review and the “Initiative” degenerated into right-opportunist
parties in the following years, such as the Party of Labor of Belgium,
which developed a reformist strategy and de facto acceptance of the EU,
or the Russian Communist Workers Party and the Hungarian Workers Party,
which now clearly place themselves under the banner of Russian
imperialism. Major splits occurred in the CP of Turkey (TKP) and the CP
of the Peoples of Spain (PCPE), with a right opportunist wing splitting
from the party in each case, whereupon in Spain the anti-revisionist
part of the party renamed itself the Communist Party of the Workers of
Spain (PCTE). All these processes have shown that the understanding of
imperialism and the strategic orientation of a party are decisive
criteria for its character. Within the context that today sees itself as
a world communist movement, a revolutionary, Leninist current is
emerging on the one hand, and various opportunist currents are emerging
on the other, which are predominantly oriented either toward Western
imperialism (especially the EU, as in the case of the so-called
“Eurocommunists”) or toward the imperialist pole led by Russia and
China. The policies of parties that side with the Russian, Chinese,
Brazilian, Indian, etc. bourgeoisie, that seek to strengthen the
position of these countries <i>within the</i> imperialist world
system, or that seek a “national” or “democratic” revolution instead of
the socialist one, are ultimately not simply different from the policies
of the parties of the revolutionary pole, but opposed to it.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The process of the division of the world movement into the
opportunist and the revolutionary part, the separation of the chaff from
the wheat and thus also the formation of own forms of the organization
of the revolutionary parts of the communist world movement are not yet
finished.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b>What next? Do we need a new Comintern?</b></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The answer to the question follows fundamentally from what has
already been said – since the reason for the existence of the Comintern,
namely, imperialism ruling the world and the international organization
of the class enemy to maintain its domination, not only continues today
just as it did then, but has unfolded on a much larger scale than was
the case in the past, the need for a new Communist International is
obvious.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">This does not mean, however, that it would be immediately possible or
correct to launch this International as well. For the theory of
“national characteristics” has for decades promoted the spread of
opportunism and led numerous communist parties of the world astray:
alliances with their own bourgeoisie in the sense of “anti-fascism”,
“anti-imperialism”, “national independence”, “social progress” or other
objectives are entered into unquestioningly by many communist parties.
The idea that it is possible or necessary to move to socialism by a path
other than proletarian revolution, for example, through
“anti-monopolist democracy,” “national democratic revolutions,” or the
like, implies a false, reformist strategy and leads to disastrous
political choices. Legalism, i.e., the subordination of communist
parties to the legal framework dictated by the bourgeois state, makes
revolution impossible. Flirtation with bourgeois nationalism in
supposedly “oppressed countries” up to powerful imperialist states like
Russia or France prevents the development of a consistent
internationalist line of class struggle.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">All these manifestations of right opportunism show that in today’s
world communist movement there are not simply “different approaches”
coexisting with each other, resulting automatically from differences in
the conditions of struggle, but that it is a struggle between
Marxism-Leninism against various forms of revisionism which results in
opportunism, which must be defeated in order to avoid the ultimate
destruction of the communist movement.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The liquidation of the Comintern today has the unfortunate
consequence that some communist parties with serious opportunist
deviations refuse to discuss their policies and denounce public or even
non-public criticism as “interference in internal affairs”. This is
accompanied by an unjustified and unfounded polemic against those
communist parties that – such as the Communist Party of Greece (KKE) and
the Communist Party of Mexico (PCM) – have in recent decades engaged in
a critical and productive discussion of opportunism in their own
history, renewed and strengthened themselves as a result, and rightly
want to take the discussion to the international level. It is unworthy
of a communist party to shy away from discussion of its policies and to
hide behind the principle of “non-interference”, when in reality it is
not about “interference” at all, but about honest criticism and
self-criticism among communists.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">In view of this problematic situation, the restoration of a world
organization of all communist parties is not immediately possible at the
moment, unless such a step is preceded by theoretical clarification and
the elimination of the major substantive differences within the world
communist movement. An International in which revolutionary and
opportunist, even bourgeois, positions coexist would be an
impossibility: either it would be unable to develop a revolutionary
orientation for the world movement, or this orientation would not be
accepted by some parties, or they would not be able to implement the
revolutionary strategy, due to their organizational structure, which
often corresponds more to that of a social-democratic mass party than a
Bolshevized party.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Therefore, the process of reconstituting a Communist International,
urgent as it is, is a long-term and complex process, consisting first of
all in the fact that the communist parties, holding to the goal of
socialist revolution and interested in a revolutionary clarification of
the decisive questions, must gradually find closer coordination and
exchange of content, find an ever closer relationship and concrete
cooperation. At present, this concerns only a small number of parties.
In many communist parties or even communist youth organizations, this
struggle has not yet been decided and must be continued. At the same
time, new communist organizations and parties are emerging in some
countries, making a break with revisionist and opportunist traditions
and striving, usually with very limited forces, to rebuild the movement.
From our point of view, a closer exchange between all consistent
Marxist-Leninist forces, also with small organizations, is necessary and
must be striven for. At the same time we should not impede the open
dialogue with those organizations which hold divergent attitudes on some
questions, but at the same time adhere to essential principles of
Marxism-Leninism (the fundamental affirmation of democratic centralism
and the Party of a New Type, the necessity of revolution, the
understanding of the socialist economy as central planning and
socialization of the ownership of the means of production, etc.) and
proletarian internationalism (rejection of nationalism, opposition to
imperialist wars, etc.).</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">We (Kommunistische Organisation) also stand for such a process and to
this end we seek exchange and cooperation with other communist
organizations and parties in order to make our contribution to the
restoration of an international Communist movement, fully aware that we
are a small organization that can only bring limited resources and
experience to this great undertaking.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote1anc" id="sdfootnote1sym">1</a>
“General Rules of the International Workingmens Association” (1864).
Available at:
https://www.marxists.org/history/international/iwma/documents/1864/rules.htm</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote2anc" id="sdfootnote2sym">2</a>
Karl Marx: “Inaugural Address of the International Working Men’s
Association” (1864). Available at:
https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1864/10/27.htm</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote3anc" id="sdfootnote3sym">3</a>
The Platform of the Communist International, 6 March 1919. Available
at:
https://www.marxists.org/history/international/comintern/1st-congress/platform.htm</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote4anc" id="sdfootnote4sym">4</a> Terms of Admission into Communist International. Available at:</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1920/jul/x01.htm">https://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1920/jul/x01.htm</a></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote5anc" id="sdfootnote5sym">5</a>
“Theses on the bolshevization of the of communist parties adopted at
the Fifth ECCI Plenum”. Available as excerpts in Degras, Jane. Communist
International: Documents, 1919-1943 (Volume 1), pg. 188-200. Routledge,
2014. Translated from the german version, available at:
https://ia902206.us.archive.org/17/items/protokolle-der-kongresse-der-kommunistischen-internationale/</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Thesen%20%C3%BCber%20die%20Bolschewisierung%20der%20kommunistischen%20Parteien.pdf.<br />The pages refers to the german version.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote6anc" id="sdfootnote6sym">6</a> p.35</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote7anc" id="sdfootnote7sym">7</a> p.38</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote8anc" id="sdfootnote8sym">8</a>
Vgl. Osip Piatnitsky, “The Bolshevisation of the Communist Parties of
the capitalist countries by means of overcoming the Social-Democratic
traditions,” The Communist International, Vol. 9, Nos. 8-9, 15 May 1932,
pp. 251-273. Available online at: <a href="https://archive.org/details/0.-piatnitsky-the-bolshevisation-of-the-communist-parties/page/272/mode/2up"><u>https://archive.org/details/0.-piatnitsky-the-bolshevisation-of-the-communist-parties/page/272/mode/2up</u></a></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote9anc" id="sdfootnote9sym">9</a> Programme of the Communist International, 1929. Available at:</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">https://www.marxists.org/history/international/comintern/6th-congress/index.htm , abgerufen 2.5.2023.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote10anc" id="sdfootnote10sym">10</a> A further examination of the theory of the “mainstays,” their interconnection and the</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">and the frequently voiced criticism that it has led to an underestimation of the fascist danger.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">will have to take place.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote11anc" id="sdfootnote11sym">11</a> Programme of the CI.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote12anc" id="sdfootnote12sym">12</a> Programme of the CI.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote13anc" id="sdfootnote13sym">13</a>
Declaration of British Delegation on Colonial Question at the Sith
World Congress (1928). Available at:
https://www.bannedthought.net/International/Comintern/Congresses/6/RevMovementInTheColonies-</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Comintern-1928-crisp.pdf</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote14anc" id="sdfootnote14sym">14</a>
Maravillo, Héctor. “El problema colonial y burguesía nacional en Lenin y
la Internacional Comunista.” El Machete, 2017. Available at:
https://elmachete.mx/index.php/2017/08/03/el-problema-colonial-y-burguesia-nacional-en-lenin-y-la-internacional-comunista/</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote15anc" id="sdfootnote15sym">15</a>
G. Dimitrov 1935: “The Fascist Offensive and the Tasks of the Communist
International in the Struggle of the Working Class against Fascism”.
Main Report delivered at the Seventh World Congress of the Communist
International. Available at: <a href="https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/dimitrov/works/1935/08_02.htm"><u>https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/dimitrov/works/1935/08_02.htm</u></a></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote16anc" id="sdfootnote16sym">16</a> Ibid.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote17anc" id="sdfootnote17sym">17</a> Ibid.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote18anc" id="sdfootnote18sym">18</a>
And this, although the slogan of the Popular Front was withdrawn again
in 1939 after the non-aggression treaty with Germany. In fact, however,
the Comintern’s policy after the German invasion of the Soviet Union was
again based on the Popular Front policy.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote19anc" id="sdfootnote19sym">19</a> Georgi Dimitrov 2003: “The Diary of Georgi Dimitrov, 1933-1949”, Yale University, pp. 136, 147, 155.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote20anc" id="sdfootnote20sym">20</a> “ECCI Secretariat Directive on the Outbreak of War”, 8 August 1939. Available at: <a href="https://www.revolutionarydemocracy.org/rdv6n2/dimitrov.htm"><u>https://www.revolutionarydemocracy.org/rdv6n2/dimitrov.htm</u></a></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote21anc" id="sdfootnote21sym">21</a>
“Resolution of the Seventh Comintern Congress on the Report of the
ECCI”, 1 August 1935. Available as excerpts in Degras, Jane. Communist
International: Documents, 1919-1943 (Volume 3), pg. 350-355. Routledge,
2014</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote22anc" id="sdfootnote22sym">22</a>
Quoted in the “Resolution of the ECCI presidium recommending the
dissolution of the Communist International”, 15 May 1943. Available
online: <a href="https://www.marxists.org/history/international/comintern/dissolution.htm"><u>https://www.marxists.org/history/international/comintern/dissolution.htm</u></a>.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote23anc" id="sdfootnote23sym">23</a> J. Stalin 1943: “The Dissolution of the Communist International. Answer to Reuter’s Correspondent”. Available online: <a href="https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/stalin/works/1943/05/28.htm"><u>https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/stalin/works/1943/05/28.htm</u></a></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote24anc" id="sdfootnote24sym">24</a> Dimitrov 2003, p. 155n.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote25anc" id="sdfootnote25sym">25</a> 25 “Resolution of the ECCI presidium recommending the dissolution of the Communist International”, 15 May 1943.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote26anc" id="sdfootnote26sym">26</a> “Statement of the Presidium of the ECCI on the Dissolution of the Communist International”, 8 Jue 1943. Aavailable online at: <a href="http://ciml.250x.com/archive/comintern/dissolution_1943.html"><u>http://ciml.250x.com/archive/comintern/dissolution_1943.html</u></a></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote27anc" id="sdfootnote27sym">27</a>
P. Togliatti 1949: “Alcuni problemi della storia dell’Internazionale
comunista” (Some Problems in the History of the Communist
International). Available online at: <a href="https://www.associazionestalin.it/IC_5_togliatti.html"><u>https://www.associazionestalin.it/IC_5_togliatti.html</u></a>.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote28anc" id="sdfootnote28sym">28</a> Mao Tse-tung: “The Comintern has long ceased to meddle in our internal affairs” (26 May .1943). Available online at: <a href="https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/selected-works/volume-6/mswv6_36.htm"><u>https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/selected-works/volume-6/mswv6_36.htm</u></a></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote29anc" id="sdfootnote29sym">29</a> Zhou Enlai 1960: “The Communist International and the Chinese Communist Party”. Available online at: <a href="http://www.marx2mao.com/Other/CI60.html"><u>http://www.marx2mao.com/Other/CI60.html</u></a>.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote30anc" id="sdfootnote30sym">30</a> O. Piatnitsky 1932.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote31anc" id="sdfootnote31sym">31</a>
Skolarikos, K. “‘Ευρωκομμουνισμός’ Θεωρία και στρατηγική υπέρ του
Κεφαλαίου” (“‘Eurocommunism’ Theory and Strategy for Capital.”) Athens,
2015, p. 127.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote32anc" id="sdfootnote32sym">32</a>
J. W. Stalin: “From the Conversation with the Delegation of the CC CP
of China in Moscow”, 11 July 1949. Available at: Information Bureau of
the Communist and Workers’ Parties .</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote33anc" id="sdfootnote33sym">33</a>
For example, the KPD, which declared in June 1945: “We are of the
opinion that the path of imposing the Soviet system on Germany would be
wrong, because this path does not correspond to the present conditions
of development in Germany. On the contrary, we are of the opinion that
the decisive interests of the German people in the present situation
dictate another path for Germany, namely, the path of establishing an
anti-fascist, democratic regime, a parliamentary-democratic republic
with all democratic rights and freedoms for the people,”. “Appeal of the
CC of the KPD to the German People for the Construction of an
Anti-Fascist-Democratic Germany, 11 June 1945”. Online in german at: <a href="https://www.1000dokumente.de/pdf/dok_0009_ant_de.pdf"><u>https://www.1000dokumente.de/pdf/dok_0009_ant_de.pdf</u></a>.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote34anc" id="sdfootnote34sym">34</a>
Cominform: “Resolution on exchange of experience and coordination of
the parties represented at the meeting,” 27 September 1947. Translated
from the german version, available online at: <a href="https://www.1000dokumente.de/index.html?c=dokument_ru&dokument=0029_kim&object=context"><u>https://www.1000dokumente.de/index.html?c=dokument_ru&dokument=0029_kim&object=context</u></a>.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote35anc" id="sdfootnote35sym">35</a>
A. Zhdanov: “The international situation. Speech delivered at the
Informatory Conference of representatives of a number of Communist
Parties”, 22 September 1947. Available online at: <a href="https://www.revolutionarydemocracy.org/archive/zhdanovRD.pdf"><u>https://www.revolutionarydemocracy.org/archive/zhdanovRD.pdf</u></a>.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote36anc" id="sdfootnote36sym">36</a>
P. Togliatti: “La politica di unità nazionale dei comunisti”, Report to
the cadres of the Neapolitan communist organization. 11 April 1947.
Available online at: <a href="https://www.associazionestalin.it/PCI_5_unita.html"><u>https://www.associazionestalin.it/PCI_5_unita.html</u></a></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote37anc" id="sdfootnote37sym">37</a> P. Togliatti: “Verso la democrazia, verso il socialismo”, Rinascita, vol. 7, 1947, p. 193. Available online at: <a href="https://www.archivipci.it/mirador.html?manifest-url=https://iiif.fondazionegramsci.org/manifest/iiif-gramsci-0014/654e4ee91bec04857f05a451/manifest.json"><u>https://www.archivipci.it/mirador.html?manifest-url=https://iiif.fondazionegramsci.org/manifest/iiif-gramsci-0014/654e4ee91bec04857f05a451/manifest.json</u></a></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote38anc" id="sdfootnote38sym">38</a> B. Bland 1998: “The Cominform fights Revisionism”, p. 4. Available online: <a href="https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/uk.postww2/bland-cominform.pdf"><u>https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/uk.postww2/bland-cominform.pdf</u></a>.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote39anc" id="sdfootnote39sym">39</a> Ibid, p. 5.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote40anc" id="sdfootnote40sym">40</a> Ibid, p. 9fn.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote41anc" id="sdfootnote41sym">41</a> J. Stalin & H. Pollitt: “The British Road to Socialism”, 1950. Available online at: <a href="https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/uk.postww2/stalin-pollitt.pdf"><u>https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/uk.postww2/stalin-pollitt.pdf</u></a>.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/allgemein/the-communist-international-its-dissolution-and-the-international-struggle-of-communists-today/#sdfootnote42anc" id="sdfootnote42sym">42</a> V. Lenin: “‘Left-Wing’ Communism: an Infantile Disorder”, 1920. In “Collected Works”, Volume 31, p. 81. Available online at: <a href="https://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1920/lwc/index.htm"><u>https://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1920/lwc/index.htm</u></a><u> </u></span></p><p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><u><br /></u></span></p><p style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj_Wwe88vpnTDNNG9Uq9uKMsTTMqawvnWfOcBYZ9je1-YXxDmRVdKFLm4RBPpnPXjWuM8FXpWZCSZ9ii12AghPNIk2FARkFreEgR2K2Ucnj6yKDbqPILW21XoLqFxOLa0KVv-Y8WjgYLEMpF9zWfL1Hqp-_Rgu1Fz7lTiaMIYuGG75r5vSyHhpa9f6t67SN/s800/Flag-Russia.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="536" data-original-width="800" height="25" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj_Wwe88vpnTDNNG9Uq9uKMsTTMqawvnWfOcBYZ9je1-YXxDmRVdKFLm4RBPpnPXjWuM8FXpWZCSZ9ii12AghPNIk2FARkFreEgR2K2Ucnj6yKDbqPILW21XoLqFxOLa0KVv-Y8WjgYLEMpF9zWfL1Hqp-_Rgu1Fz7lTiaMIYuGG75r5vSyHhpa9f6t67SN/w37-h25/Flag-Russia.jpg" width="37" /></a></span></div><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><u></u></span><p></p><h2 class="tdb-title-text" style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: large;">Коммунистический Интернационал, его роспуск и международная борьба коммунистов сегодня</span></h2><div class="tdb-title-text" style="text-align: justify;"><p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">80 лет назад, 15 мая 1943 года, в разгар Второй мировой войны и
вскоре после решающей победы Красной Армии под Сталинградом неожиданно
для общественности был объявлен и чуть позже осуществлён роспуск
Коммунистического Интернационала (сокращенно Коминтерна). Общая
международная организация коммунистов, созданная под руководством Ленина
и в течение 24 лет организовывавшая, поддерживавшая и координировавшая
борьбу мирового коммунистического движения, прекратила свое
существование. Равноценная замена ей больше никогда не создавалась.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Что такое Коминтерн? Почему он был основан? Как произошел его роспуск и как мы оцениваем этот опыт сегодня?</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Эти вопросы и то, какое отношение они имеют к нашей борьбе как коммунистов в современном мире, будут рассмотрены ниже.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b>Истоки Интернационала</b></span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Вопрос об интернациональной организации революционного рабочего движения встал</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">с самого начала, так как рабочее движение уже в начале своего
существования было международным. Союз коммунистов, основанный в этой
форме в 1847 году Марксом и Энгельсом, рассматривал себя как
международное объединение. В него входили революционеры из многих
европейских стран и США. «Манифест Коммунистической партии»,
опубликованный в 1848 году как манифест Союза, завершался знаменитым
призывом «Пролетарии всех стран, соединяйтесь!».</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">В 1864 году в Лондоне была основана Международная ассоциация рабочих,
которая позже будет называться Первым Интернационалом. Устав этой
первой в мире организации социалистического рабочего движения гласил: «<i>Принимая во внимание,</i> <i>что
[…] освобождение рабочего класса есть не местная и не национальная
задача, а социальная, охватывающая все страны, в которых существует
современное общество, и решение которой зависит от практического и
теоретического сотрудничества наиболее передовых стран; что движение
рабочего класса в наиболее промышленно развитых странах Европы, которое
обновляется теперь, пробуждая новые надежды, в то же время дает
торжественное предупреждение о возврате к старым заблуждениям и
призывает к немедленной консолидации движений, которые еще
непоследовательны; именно по этим причинам была</i><i>основана Международная ассоциация трудящихся</i>».<a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote1sym"><sup><u>1</u></sup></a></span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Сам Маркс вскоре заявил<i>: «Прошлый опыт показал, как пренебрежение
узами братства, которые должны связывать рабочих разных стран и
побуждать их твердо стоять вместе во всей их борьбе за освобождение,
всегда наказывается коллективным срывом их бессвязных попыток. Именно
это сознание подтолкнуло рабочих разных стран </i><i>[</i><i>…</i><i>]</i><i> к созданию Международной ассоциации</i>». <a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote2sym"><sup><u>2</u></sup></a></span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">В Парижской коммуне, первой пролетарской революции в истории, в 1871
году также приняли участие иностранцы, такие как венгр Лео Франкель,
русская революционерка Анна Жаклар (Корвин-Круковская) и польские
социалисты Валерий Врублевский и Ярослав Домбровский.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">С самого начала Первому Интернационалу пришлось бороться с влиянием
анархизма. Анархистский теоретик Михаил Бакунин выступал против
централизованной организации рабочего класса и цели захвата власти
пролетариатом, пропагандируемой Карлом Марксом и Фридрихом Энгельсом.
Анархизм не мог предложить рабочему движению никакой реальной
перспективы, его единственным эффектом в Интернационале было
парализовать его окопной войной и, в конечном счете, разделить его.
Анархизм смог сыграть центральную роль в этой ранней фазе рабочего
движения, потому что, за исключением нескольких недель Парижской
коммуны, международный рабочий класс не имел опыта собственной
государственной власти. Необходимость создания социалистического
государства и централизованной и дисциплинированной революционной партии
еще не проникла в сознание широких слоев движения. Более того, научный
социализм, разработанный Марксом и Энгельсом, был относительно недавним
движением, и влияние различных течений утопического, раннебуржуазного и
докапиталистического социализма все еще было сильным в слоях рабочего
класса. Борьба между коммунистической и анархистской секциями движения в
конечном итоге привела к провалу Первого Интернационала.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">В 1889 году Второй Интернационал вышел из Первого Интернационала в
Париже, чтобы продолжить дело своего предшественника. И во II
Интернационале революционная марксистская линия долгое время
сосуществовала с различными оппортунистическими позициями, объективно
работавшими на то, чтобы поставить рабочее движение в зависимость от
буржуазной политики. Конъюнктурные, реформистские тенденции существовали
и во II Интернационале долгое время, но в 1914 году, в начале
империалистической Первой мировой войны, они вспыхнули открыто. Взаимные
заверения рабочих партий в том, что в случае войны между
капиталистическими державами они не допустят, чтобы рабочих вели на
бойню друг против друга, уже ничего не стоили. Почти все партии Второго
якобы «социалистического» Интернационала встали на сторону собственного
правящего класса, оправдали войну и видели смертельными врагами уже не
капиталистов собственных стран, а рабочих, крестьян и простых людей по
ту сторону фронта. Так же поступила и СДПГ, бывшая социалистическая
партия в Германии, которая теперь выродилась в поддержку кайзера
Вильгельма и его рейхсканцлера фон Бетмана Гольвега. Предательство
социал-демократией своих прежних принципов и миллионов рабочих в ее
окружении было оправдано прежде всего построением ужасного сценария
агрессивного русского деспотизма, от которого нужно было защищать
немецкое население. И наоборот, врагом оппортунистов в странах Антанты
был прусский милитаризм, от которого приходилось защищать свою свободу.
Буржуазное течение в социал-демократии нашло в каждой стране
соответствующую пропаганду, чтобы узаконить свое подчинение «своему»
правящему классу.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">С другой стороны, революционное течение во II Интернационале, которое
было представлено на международном уровне прежде всего русскими
большевиками, а в Германии — Розой Люксембург, Карлом Либкнехтом,
Францем Мерингом и другими, не смогло заявить о себе в конфликте.
Рабочий класс был отправлен в мировую войну без организации, которая
могла бы представлять его интересы.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Вся Европа стала полем битвы, и миллионы трупов были нагромождены до
того, как в 1917 году народ России первым восстал против убийства и
сверг царское правительство, а затем, когда новое
буржуазно-демократическое правительство продолжило войну, полностью смёл
капиталистическое классовое господство и установил первую
социалистическую государственную власть под руководством большевистской
партии. Социалистическая Октябрьская революция и опыт предательства
социал-демократических рабочих партий, которые к тому времени уже давно
стали партиями капиталистического строя, заставили сделать радикальный
шаг: всюду старые рабочие партии раскололись на крыло, поддерживающее
систему, которое теперь называлось социал-демократией, и революционное
крыло, которое обычно перегруппировывалось под названием
коммунистической партии. В некоторых странах, где рабочее движение еще
не было так развито, коммунистические партии возникли непосредственно
под влиянием Октябрьской революции, без предварительной совместной
организации с социал-демократией. Возникновение коммунистического
движения и его разрыв с реформизмом социал-демократии явилось решающим
поворотным пунктом в истории рабочего движения. Уже имевшееся у Маркса и
Энгельса понимание того, что против оппортунизма как формы буржуазной
политики внутри рабочего движения необходимо бороться, теперь нашло свое
выражение в самостоятельной организации революционного рабочего класса.
Однако зарождающееся мировое коммунистическое движение теперь требовало
новой организационной формы для такой борьбы на международном уровне.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b>Основание и первые конгрессы Коммунистического Интернационала</b></span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">И этой формой был III Интернационал, Коммунистический Интернационал,
основанный в Москве в марте 1919 года по инициативе Ленина. На
учредительном конгрессе Коминтерна по-прежнему присутствовали в основном
небольшие революционные группы, помимо большевиков из России, ещё была
актуальна Коммунистическая партия Германии. Коминтерн провозгласил в
своих вновь принятых директивах:</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">«<i>Рождается новая эра! Эпоха разложения капитализма, его внутреннего разложения. Эпоха коммунистической революции пролетариата».</i></span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Она ставила перед собой цель завоевания власти рабочим классом,
установления и защиты Советской власти как политической формы власти
рабочего класса, экспроприации капитала, обобществления и централизации
производства, поддержки народов колоний в их борьбе против
империалистических колониальных держав <a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote3sym"><sup><u>3</u></sup></a>.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Коммунистический Интернационал, в отличие от I и II Интернационала,
централистская организация с единым руководящим центром — Исполнительным
комитетом Коммунистического Интернационала (ИККИ). ИККИ имел кворум
между Всемирными конгрессами Коминтерна. Отдельные партии рассматривали
себя уже не как самостоятельно действующие организации, а как секции
Коминтерна, в результате чего решения всемирной организации становились
для них обязательными. За этим стояло мнение о том, что международная
борьба против капитализма и его представителей также потребует
международной стратегии и общего подхода всех коммунистов. Эта
организационная структура была принята в 1920 году на Втором Всемирном
конгрессе вместе с Уставом Коммунистического Интернационала. Второй
Всемирный конгресс также выдвинул 21 условие приёма в Коминтерн, в
частности построение партии в соответствии с демократическим
централизмом и связанное с этим подчинение всякой агитации и пропаганды
штабу, обязательный характер решений Коммунистического Интернационала,
создание нелегального партийного аппарата для подготовки революции и
полный разрыв с социал-демократией или борьба с ней <a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote4sym"><sup><u>4</u></sup></a>.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Создание Коминтерна в сочетании с социалистическим строительством в
Советском Союзе позволило в течение нескольких лет создать сильные
боевые партии с тысячами, иногда десятками и сотнями тысяч членов из
небольших коммунистических групп, которые часто основывались всего
несколькими десятками рабочих лидеров. Взрывной рост коммунистического
движения был обусловлен революционной ситуацией и массовыми настроениями
после Первой мировой, но он был бы невозможен без Коминтерна, который
разрабатывал общий стратегический подход и активно поддерживал партии
централизованной подготовкой их кадров и деньгами. Особое внимание
уделялось также строительству коммунистических партий в Азии, для чего в
1920 г. был проведен Конгресс народов Востока с делегатами из
многочисленных стран Восточной Европы и Азии, а в 1922 г. — Съезд
коммунистических и революционных организаций Дальнего Востока с
коммунистами из Китая, Японии, Кореи, Монголии и Индонезии. Это заложило
основу для того, чтобы коммунистическое движение в Восточной Азии стало
решающим вызовом империализму после Второй мировой войны.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b>Большевизация — переход от организационных принципов старой социал-демократии к принципам коммунистической партии</b></span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">На V Всемирном конгрессе в 1924 году были приняты «Тезисы о
большевизации коммунистических партий». Под большевизацией Коминтерн
понимал проведение ленинской линии, особенно по содержательным и
стратегическим, а также организационным вопросам: «<i>Большевизация
есть умение применить общие принципы ленинизма к данной конкретной
ситуации в той или иной стране. Большевизация, кроме того, есть умение
ухватиться за то главное «звено цепи», по которому можно проследить всю
«цепь»</i> <a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote5sym"><sup><u>5</u></sup></a>.
Это означало способностькоммунистической партии выявлять центральные
вопросы в каждой конкретной обстановке для того, чтобы привлечь
трудящиеся массы к социализму и получить решающий перевес в
революционной ситуации для свержения буржуазии.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Чтобы развить эти навыки, коммунистические партии должны были, прежде всего, принять большевистскую форму организации: «<i>Главной</i><i>
и основной формой организации каждой большевистской партии является
производственная партийная ячейка. Старый принцип организации,
заимствованный от социал-демократии, когда партия строится на основе
избирательных округов, применительно к парламентским выборам, неприемлем
для коммунистов. Подлинная большевистская партия невозможна, если
организация в основе своей не покоится на фабрично-заводских ячейках.
Рядом с фабрично-заводскими партячейками и работой в таких организациях,
как профсоюзы, фабзавкомы, кооперативы и пр., можно и должно прибегнуть
к созданию целого ряда вспомогательных беспартийных организаций:
квартиронанимателей, безработных, бывших участников войны и т. п. (с
коммунистическими ячейками в них). Большевизация требует того, чтобы
наши партии пользовались всяким случаем сделать организационную сеть
рабочих возможно более густой и разнообразной. </i><i>Следует
пользоваться каждой большой злобой дня, чтобы вызвать к жизни ту или
другую вспомогательную малооформленную «свободную» организацию, если она
только будет жизненна</i><i>»</i> <a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote6sym"><sup><u>6</u></sup></a>. Более того, чтобы действительно стать борющимисяпартиями, коммунистические партии должны были бы создать кадровый аппарат: «<i>
Одна из важнейших задач каждой компартии должна заключаться в том,
чтобы самым внимательным образом отбирать руководящие кадры из числа
передовых рабочих, выдвигающихся своей энергией, знанием, умелостью,
преданностью партии. Коммунистические кадры рабочих-организаторов должны
воспитываться в той мысли, что они занимаются подготовкой революции не
«между прочим», что они целиком отдаются революционной борьбе и
полностью находятся в распоряжении партии</i>»<a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote7sym"><sup><u>7</u></sup></a>.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Усилия по развитию и укреплению национальных секций Коминтерна в
соответствии с этими критериями определили работу последующих лет. Тем
не менее, большевизация, как выяснилось позже, не могла быть завершена
полностью, и многие коммунистические партии сохранили многочисленные
структурные черты старой социал-демократии <a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote8sym"><sup><u>8</u></sup></a>.
Однако само существование Коминтерна сыграло здесь решающую роль:
поскольку многие коммунистические партии развились из социал-демократии и
поэтому еще не соответствовали структуре и функционированию подлинно
революционной организации, обязательные решения Интернационала были
важной предпосылкой для того, чтобы проект большевизации вообще был
серьезно рассмотрен.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Одна из задач Международной организации коммунистов состоит в том,
чтобы поднять каждую из своих национальных секций, т. е. каждую
коммунистическую партию, на самый высокий уровень, которого достигло
международное движение, чтобы максимально усовершенствовать его как
теоретически, так и практически. Это необходимо, потому что
капиталистическая контрреволюция также учится на своем международном
опыте и постоянно обновляет и совершенствует свои инструменты.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b>Революционная программа Коминтерна 1928 года</b></span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Четыре года спустя за решением о большевизации последовал второй
кульминационный момент в развитии мирового коммунистического движения на
революционной основе: новая программа Коминтерна. В ней была конкретно
изложена и разработана мировая стратегия коммунистического движения в
борьбе против империализма. Программа определила две основные
революционные силы, а именно рабочий класс капиталистических стран и
угнетённые народы в колониях, которые ведут свою борьбу под руководством
международного рабочего класса. Таким образом Коминтерн предполагал,
что капитализм еще не развит в колониях, и поэтому можно было говорить о
рабочем классе очень ограниченно. Низкий уровень развития капитализма в
этих странах был также основанием для отнесения их к угнетённым.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Программа предполагала, что мировая капиталистическая система в целом
приближается к своему краху и, следовательно, к мировой пролетарской
революции, которая положит начало переходу к социалистическому обществу.
Программа широко касалась сил контрреволюции, делающих всё для
сохранения капиталистического строя. Политическими представителями
правящего класса капиталистов были названы фашизм, как главная
контрреволюционная сила, и социал-демократия. Подробно излагалось, как
социал-демократия в союзе с военными участвовала в кровавом подавлении
революций в различных странах и поддерживала реакционные диктатуры
против рабочего класса в Польше и Болгарии. Проводилось различие между
правым и якобы «левым» крылом социал-демократии. Правое крыло было
открыто контрреволюционным и находилось в прямом контакте с буржуазией, в
то время как «левое» использовало пацифистские, а иногда и
революционные фразы, но в конечном итоге также было направлено против
революции. Поскольку «левая» социал-демократия вводит массы в
заблуждение своими лозунгами, но действует против рабочего класса,
особенно в критических ситуациях, она, в конечном счете, является самой
опасной частью социал-демократии. <i>«Главная функция социал-демократии
в настоящее время состоит в том, чтобы нарушить существенное боевое
единство пролетариата в его борьбе против империализма. Раскалывая и
разрушая единый фронт пролетарской борьбы против капитала,
социал-демократия служит опорой империализма в рабочем классе»</i><a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote9sym"><sup><u>9</u></sup></a>.
Хотя в ретроспективе можно задаться вопросом, правильно ли было
объявлять социал-демократию «опорой» империализма, в то время как во
многих странах правящий класс все больше полагался на фашизм для
обеспечения своей власти, оценка социал-демократии в программе
Коминтерна 1928 года была по существу правильной <a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote10sym"><sup><u>10 </u></sup></a>.
На основе опыта предыдущих лет и многочисленных примеров, когда
социал-демократия выступала опорой капиталистов и врагом рабочего
класса, коммунисты разработали верный анализ, согласно которому с
социал-демократическими партиями и лидерами следует бороться как с
политическими противниками, что они не являются союзниками коммунистов
и, конечно, не могут пройти «часть пути вместе» с коммунистами, как
считали многие коммунистические партии последующих десятилетий.
Необходимо подчеркнуть, что коммунисты никогда не уклонялись от
завоевания социал-демократических масс рабочего класса классовой борьбой
и что борьба против социал-демократических руководств служила именно
этой цели, чтобы выковать самое прочное единство коммунистических
рабочих с социал-демократическими коллегами.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Другая главная опора контрреволюции виделась в фашистском движении.<i>«Фашистская система — это система прямой диктатуры, идеологически </i>с<i>формированная
«национальной идеей» и представлением «профессий» (в действительности
как представительство различных групп правящего класса). Это система,
которая поддается особой форме социальной демагогии (антисемитизм,
случайные нападки на ростовщический капитал, жесты нетерпения по
отношению к парламентскому «болтуну»), чтобы эксплуатировать
недовольство мелкой буржуазии, интеллигенции и других слоев общества </i><i>[</i><i>…</i><i>]</i><i>.
Главная цель фашизма — уничтожение революционного рабочего авангарда,
т.е. коммунистических слоев пролетариата и их кадрового состава. </i><i>[</i><i>…</i><i>]</i><i>
Во времена острого кризиса буржуазии фашизм прибегает к
антикапиталистическим фразам, но, утвердившись во главе государства,
выбрасывает за борт свою антикапиталистическую болтовню и выставляет
себя террористической диктатурой крупного бизнеса</i><i>»</i> <a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote11sym"><sup><u>11</u></sup></a><i>.</i></span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Фашизм также был правильно охарактеризован Коминтерном как
террористическая диктатура, в основном крупного бизнеса, направленная
против рабочего движения и использующая для этого социальную демагогию.
Эта оценка особенно интересна в отличие от более позднего знаменитого
определения фашизма Георгия Димитрова 1935 года (см. ниже).</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">В то время как программа Коминтерна в какой-то момент говорит, что
социал-демократия также проявляет «фашистские тенденции» (что, по
меньшей мере, вводило в заблуждение, поскольку в действительности
социал-демократия в большинстве стран готовила почву для фашизма, а не
тяготела к самому фашизму), термин «социал-фашизм» нигде не встречается в
тексте программы. Более поздние отчёты, объявляющие «тезис о
социал-фашизме», предполагаемое отождествление социал-демократии и
фашизма, основным содержанием ориентации Коминтерна, представляют собой
вопиющую фальсификацию фактов. Следует также подчеркнуть, что неологизм
«социал-фашизм» и в некоторых случаях связанные с ним нападки на
социал-демократических рабочих были ошибкой, но эта ошибка была
тактической, а не стратегической. Ибо, согласно теории опор
империализма, коммунисты всегда должны были направлять свой главный удар
против силы, которая в каждый данный момент времени была основной
опорой капиталистического господства. Ошибка коммунистических партий
состояла не в том, что их борьба была прежде всего направлена против
социал-демократии, а в том, что они сделали это в то время, когда
большинство правящего класса в Германии и других странах уже давно
начало полагаться на фашизм как на главную опору своего удержания
власти.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Центральное место в характере программы занимает также то, что в ней
зафиксированы основные этапы перехода к социализму: экспроприация всех
крупных предприятий, железных дорог и инфраструктуры, служб связи и
земли, установление рабочего контроля в промышленности, планирование
производства в соответствии с потребностями общества, образование
колхозов в деревне и т. д. Интернационал ясно давал понять, что законы
социалистического строительства объективны и одинаковы для всех стран.
Он занял четкую позицию против оппортунизма, согласно которому
характеристики социализма зависят от национальных особенностей разных
стран.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Тем не менее, в зависимости от капиталистического уровня развития
страны предполагался ход и характер революции: только в высокоразвитых
капиталистических странах, таких как США, Германия или Великобритания,
на повестке дня стоял прямой переход к диктатуре пролетариата. В странах
со средним уровнем развития (Испания, Португалия, Польша, Венгрия,
балканские страны) возможен быстрый переход от буржуазно-демократической
революции к социалистической или сразу социалистическая революция,
выполняющая и задачи буржуазной. С другой стороны, в колониальных
(например, Индия) и полуколониальных странах (например, Китай, Персия), а
также в «зависимых» странах (в качестве примера приводятся Аргентина и
Бразилия) необходимо бороться против феодальной и докапиталистической
форм эксплуатации, систематически развивать аграрную революцию и в то же
время бороться за национальную независимость от иностранного
империализма. Переход к социализму возможен только через ряд
промежуточных этапов буржуазно-революционного характера. Наконец, в еще
более отсталых странах, т. е. особенно в некоторых частях Африки, где
пережитки родоплеменного общества охватывали значительную часть
населения, которая, следовательно, не жила наёмным трудом и не получала
заработную плату, где почти не было национальной буржуазии и империализм
оккупировал страны в военном отношении, национальная борьба за
независимость была центральной задачей. Однако и здесь национальные
восстания могли бы открыть путь к прямому развитию к социализму и
пропуску капиталистической стадии <a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote12sym"><sup><u>12</u></sup></a>.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Хотя принципиально верно, что стратегия коммунистов зависит от того,
сложились ли уже капиталистические отношения в стране или нет,
формулировки программы имеют проблематичную двусмысленность: группируя
колониальные и полуколониальные страны, такие как Китай и Индия, в одну
категорию с «зависимыми», но политически независимыми государствами,
такими как Бразилия и Аргентина, игнорировался тот факт, что преодоление
колониального господства привело к качественному изменению ситуации.
Это недооценило капиталистическое развитие в суверенных государствах
Латинской Америки и оставило открытой дверь для политики поддержки
«национальной» буржуазии против иностранных капиталистов. Коминтерн
недостаточно осознавал, что поддержка буржуазии в менее развитых
капиталистических странах только укрепит ее в мировой империалистической
системе и никоим образом не приведет к ослаблению самого империализма.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Вопрос о стратегии в менее развитых странах также был спорным в
Коминтерне в то время и привел к десятилетию жарких дискуссий, которые
заслуживают глубокого анализа и к которым мы намерены вернуться в
будущем. Коммунистический Интернационал с самого начала порвал с
оппортунизмом организаций II Интернационала, поддерживавших колониальную
политику собственных государств, хотя руководству Коминтерна
приходилось постоянно стремиться к полному преодолению шовинистической
культуры, всё ещё присутствовавшей во многих коммунистических партиях
колониальных держав. Национально-освободительные движения
рассматривались как опора мировой революции, и это оправдывало союз не
только с крестьянскими движениями, но и по крайней мере с частью
буржуазии этих стран. В то же время организационную и идеологическую
автономию коммунистов нужно было защищать и, кроме того, нельзя было
недооценивать индустриализацию колониальных стран и разделение их
обществ на антагонистические классы. Их капиталистическое развитие,
например через вывоз капитала, было предсказуемым результатом самой
империалистической системы, которую нельзя было рассматривать в
одностороннем порядке как тормоз производительных сил в менее развитых
странах. Решения VI конгресса в значительной степени поставили под
сомнение эти аспекты и были подвергнуты критике некоторыми важными
секциями Коминтерна. Показательным, например, было решение
Коммунистической партии Великобритании их не поддерживать, поскольку
«тезисы основывают свой анализ на картине превращения колоний в аграрную
глубинку или придатки метрополии. Хотя это было частично верно для
объективных условий классического периода капитализма, это неверно для
империалистического периода». В своей критике компартия Великобритании
утверждала, что Коминтерн недооценил «конечную контрреволюционную роль
буржуазии в нынешнюю эпоху»<a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote13sym"><sup><u>13</u></sup></a>.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Чуть позже, в 1931 году, генеральный секретарь Коммунистической
партии Эквадора Рикардо Паредес аналогичным образом критиковал программу
Коммунистического Интернационала за недооценку капиталистического
развития в этих странах. Он выделил группу стран Латинской Америки, «где
власть империализма не преобладает. Это связано либо с политической
силой этих стран (Аргентина, Бразилия), либо со слабым экономическим
проникновением империализма (Эквадор). Из-за этого отсутствия господства
империализма развитие капитализма идет быстрее, чем в колониях, что
ведет к усилению пролетариата и национальной буржуазии и, следовательно,
к большему обострению классовой борьбы между капиталом и трудом»<a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote14sym"><sup><u>14</u></sup></a>.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Несмотря на эту слабость в вопросе стратегии в слаборазвитых
капиталистических странах, программа 1928 года была в целом вехой в
развитии революционной стратегии мирового коммунистического движения.
Если сегодня эту программу часто демонизируют как «сектантскую» и
«радикально левую», то следует отметить, что такая критика не имеет под
собой никаких оснований в вопросе по существу правильной разработки
стратегии, особенно для развитых капиталистических стран.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b>Разворот на VII Всемирном конгрессе в 1935 году</b></span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Ошибочная оценка VI Всемирного конгресса и программы 1928 г. как
«левосектантских» по существу является следствием решений последнего
Всемирного конгресса Коминтерна, собравшегося в 1935 г. и в некоторых
отношениях задавшего курс на противоположную ориентацию.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">На VII Всемирном конгрессе генеральный секретарь Коминтерна Георгий
Димитров произнес свою знаменитую речь о борьбе рабочего класса против
фашизма. Ситуация в мире заметно изменилась: германский фашизм больше не
был просто одним из политических врагов среди других, с которыми
приходилось бороться немецким коммунистам; он находился у власти с
начала 1933 года, за очень короткое время разгромил организованное
немецкое рабочее движение, особенно коммунистическую партию, и вынудил
перейти на нелегальную работу. Германский фашизм теперь должен был всё
больше восприниматься Советским Союзом как экзистенциальная угроза.
Япония, которая после Кореи аннексировала и Маньчжурию (в 1931г.), и
Италия, массово перевооружавшаяся и через несколько месяцев начавшая
свою колониальную войну в Эфиопии, также действовали все более
агрессивно. Если в прежние годы военная угроза Советскому Союзу, как
правило, исходила, например, от Великобритании, то уже нельзя было
игнорировать тот факт, что фашистские державы оси, т.е. союза Берлина,
Рима и Токио, стали главной угрозой для СССР и мирового
коммунистического движения.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">В этой ситуации Димитров призывал к переориентации борьбы коммунистов
против растущего фашизма и к изменению политики Коминтерна в этом
контексте: теперь также нужно было стремиться к союзу с буржуазными
нефашистскими партиями. Следует стремиться к сотрудничеству с
социал-демократическими партиями в рамках единого фронта, и «не нападать
ни на лица, ни на организации, ни на партии, выступающие за единый
фронт рабочего класса против классового врага»<a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote15sym"><sup><u>15</u></sup></a>.
«Классовый враг» означал только фашизм, и отношение социал-демократии к
единому фронту, а не к господству капитала вообще, стало решающим
критерием того, должны ли коммунисты бороться против неё или нет.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Но Димитров в своей речи пошел дальше: «Интересы классовой борьбы</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">пролетариата и успех пролетарской революции делают императивно необходимым,</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">чтобы в каждой стране была единая партия пролетариата»<a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote16sym"><sup><u>16</u></sup></a>. Хотя это требовало</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">независимости от буржуазии и революционной ориентации этой партии, не было</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">объяснено, должна ли идеологическая основа этой партии быть марксизмом-</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">ленинизмом или чем-то другим. Не было выяснено и того, как можно было бы</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">внезапно привлечь на свою сторону социал-демократию, которая всего несколько лет</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">назад справедливо оценивалась как решительно контрреволюционная</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">антисоциалистическая сила. Вместо коммунистической молодежной работы
теперь должны были существовать широкие «антифашистские» молодежные
объединения, а в США даже коммунистам специально предлагалась
«антифашистская» и несоциалистическая массовая партия<a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote17sym"><sup><u>17</u></sup></a>.
Решения о большевизации коммунистических партий 1924 года и программа
1928 года, в которых говорилось о независимости революционной партии и
ее передовая роль в борьбе против оппортунизма и социал-демократии,
были, таким образом, неявно поставлены под сомнение.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Участие коммунистов в правительстве в рамках «Единого пролетарского
фронта» (т. е. вместе с социал-демократией) или «Антифашистского
народного фронта» (т. е. с</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">социал-демократией и другими буржуазными партиями) объявлялось теперь</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">необходимым при известных условиях. Такие правительства могли бы
перерасти в «переходную форму» к социализму. Правда, Димитров заявил,
что это ни в коем случае нельзя понимать как «демократическую
промежуточную стадию» между буржуазным и пролетарским правлением или как
мирный переход к социализму. Оглядываясь назад, можно сказать, что
надежда на то, что участие коммунистов в управлении на основе
буржуазного государства может оказаться переходной формой
социалистической революции, нигде не оправдалась. Нигде не было никаких
признаков того, что буржуазные партии могут проявить готовность встать
на путь социализма. Лозунги «правительства единства» или «народного
фронта» могли лишь подогреть иллюзии в отношении социал-демократии и
буржуазного государства.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Новая ориентация Коминтерна понималась скорее как корректировка
тактики, а не как введение новой стратегии. Программа и стратегия 1928
года не были отменены, поэтому продолжали действовать формально. Тем не
менее, фокус политической борьбы коммунистов теперь был совершенно иным,
и не было ясно, что новые решения были лишь временным тактическим
маневром перед лицом фашистской угрозы. Это позволило сохранить основные
ориентиры политики Народного фронта даже после Второй мировой войны и
военного поражения фашизма <a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote18sym"><sup><u>18</u></sup></a>.
То, что отказ от участия в правительстве, за исключением редких
исключительных случаев, должен быть принципиальным вопросом для
коммунистической партии, как и позиция фундаментального фронта против
социал-демократии, больше не считалось само собой разумеющимся. Решающее
различие заключалось не в том, как часто критиковали троцкисты,
выступают ли коммунисты за народный фронт (союз с социал-демократической
и другими буржуазными партиями) или только за единый фронт, т.е. союз с
социал-демократическими партиями. Ведь и социал-демократия по своему
классовому характеру была и остается партией буржуазии, защищающей
капиталистическую эксплуатацию. Принципиальное различие в стратегии
заключалось в</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">том, совместим ли этот единый фронт с рабочими буржуазного
мировоззрения (социал-демократического, религиозного и т. д.) «снизу»,
т.е. без руководства своих партий и против него, или же коммунисты
вступают в сотрудничество с буржуазной политикой, т.е. в конечном счете с
буржуазией.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Новая ориентация Коминтерна также основывалась на изменившемся
понимании самого фашизма. Знаменитое определение Димитровым фашизма у
власти как «открытой, террористической диктатуры наиболее реакционных,
шовинистических, империалистических элементов финансового капитала»
резко отличалось от прежнего</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">понимания фашизма как диктатуры монополий в целом. Разделение
буржуазии на фашистскую и якобы «антифашистскую» теперь делало возможной
и политику сотрудничества с последней.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Коминтерн совершил ошибку, проигнорировав тот факт, что фашизм возник
из законов капиталистического способа производства в целом и как форма
правления должен опираться на всю буржуазию. Буржуазия как класс
находится у власти и при буржуазной демократии, и при фашизме — с её
диктатурой и должны бороться коммунисты.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">В целом VII Всемирный конгресс стал поворотным пунктом в развитии
Коминтерна. Коммунисты столкнулись с огромной проблемой поиска
подходящего подхода перед лицом чрезвычайно опасных фашистских диктатур.
В речи Димитрова, задавшей тон всему съезду, ясно видно стремление
пойти на известные тактические уступки, чтобы вовлечь в борьбу с
фашизмом как можно более широкие силы, при этом принципиально
придерживаясь цели пролетарской революции. Снова и снова подтверждается
необходимость революции, снова и снова ставятся условия для компромиссов
с буржуазными силами, но эти условия в основном невыполнимы (например,
общая борьба против наступления капитала или, в рамках партии единства
пролетариата, даже общая борьба за диктатуру пролетариата), а потомуони
неизбежно должны были вызвать дилемму — либо пойти на дальнейшие уступки
буржуазной политике, либо отказаться от попыток создать союз.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Необходимо принять во внимание ситуацию, в которой оказалось
коммунистическое движение в 1935 году: КПГ — одна из важнейших партий
Коминтерна — была почти полностью уничтожена фашистами в течение очень
короткого времени. Война против Германии и Японии напрямую угрожала бы
существованию Советского Союза. Не реагировать на эти изменения было бы
невозможно. Тем не менее, решения Всемирного конгресса в том виде, в
котором они были приняты и обоснованы, только способствовали развитию
ошибочных стратегических концепций.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b>Годы, последовавшие за VII Всемирным конгрессом</b></span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">В последующие годы фашистская опасность продолжала неуклонно
нарастать. Год спустя, с фашистским государственным переворотом военных,
вИспании началась война республики против фашистов, которую республика
проиграла, несмотря на массированную поддержку со стороны Советского
Союза и Коминтерна. В Восточной Азии Вторая мировая война разразилась
еще в 1937 году с японским вторжением в еще не оккупированный Китай, а в
1938-39 годах на советско-японской границе неоднократно происходили
стычки между Красной армией и Императорской армией Японии. Тем временем,
нацистская Германия аннексировала Австрию и Судеты, а затем подчинила
себе остальную часть Чехии.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">До 1939 года Советский Союз всеми силами пытался склонить Англию и
Францию к системе коллективной безопасности, чтобы остановить
агрессивную экспансию Германии. Но британское и французское
правительства надеялись использовать немецких фашистов в качестве тарана
против Советского Союза, для чего даже бросили Гитлеру своего союзника
Чехословакию вместо того, чтобы принять советское предложение защищать
Чехословакию вместе. Советский Союз следил за переговорами с высочайшим
приоритетом и серьёзностью, в то время как французская и английская
стороны вели их только для видимости, всячески затягивая и не пытаясь
действительно заключить соглашение. Они, наконец, вынудили Советский
Союз после многих лет тщетных усилий отказаться от своей тактики и
заключить договор о ненападении с Германией, чтобы оттянуть войну с
Германией, хотя бы на короткий срок.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Договор о ненападении, который сегодня именуется в
антикоммунистической пропаганде «пактом Гитлера-Сталина» и
интерпретируется при полном искажении фактов как «союз тоталитарных
диктаторов», был почти неизбежной чрезвычайной мерой, которая дала
Советскому Союзу дополнительные драгоценные месяцы для подготовки к
войне. Тем не менее, коммунистические партии многих стран столкнулись с
трудными проблемами в объяснении и оправдании новой внешней политики
Советского Союза после многих лет подчеркивания необходимости
объединения всех сил против фашизма. Однако необходимо подчеркнуть, что и
после соглашения Коминтерн придерживался своей антифашистской политики.
Например, из дневника Димитрова видно, что в 1940 году, после вторжения
Германии в Югославию и Грецию, Коминтерн поручил местным компартиям
организовать пропаганду против немецкой оккупации и вооруженное
сопротивление. Французская коммунистическая партия также была поддержана
в организации сопротивления немецкой оккупации <a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote19sym"><sup><u>19</u></sup></a>.
Иногда утверждается, что Советский Союз и коммунистические партии
отказались от своей оппозиции фашизму после «пакта Гитлера-Сталина» и до
вторжения Германии в Советский Союз в июне 1941 года, но это не
соответствует фактам.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Таким образом, договор о ненападении был связан не только с поворотом
в советской внешней политике, но и в политической линии Коминтерна.
Лозунг Народного фронта был теперь отменен. Если раньше Коминтерн
сотрудничал с буржуазными силами против фашизма, то сейчас он давал
такую оценку: «<i>Нынешняя война империалистическая и несправедливая.
Буржуазия всех воюющих государств должна нести за него ответственность.
Эта война не может быть поддержана рабочим классом этих стран, не говоря
уже об их коммунистических партиях. </i><i>[</i><i>…</i><i>]</i><i>
Эта война коренным образом изменила ситуацию: деление капиталистических
государств на фашистские и демократические больше не действует.
Следовательно, необходимо менять тактику. Тактика Коммунистической
партии воюющих стран состоит теперь в том, чтобы разоблачить ее
империалистический характер, дать возможность</i><i>депутатам-коммунистам
проголосовать против военных кредитов и сказать массам, что война не
принесет ничего, кроме лишений и страданий</i>»<a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote20sym"><sup><u>20</u></sup></a><i>.</i></span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">В сущности новая ориентация содержала правильные оценки, а именно,
что это была война между империалистическими странами и что буржуазия
Франции и Великобритании сыграла большую роль в ее создании, прежде
всего своей политикой умиротворения и фактической поддержкой фашистской
Германии в борьбе против Испанской республики и в качестве тарана против
Советского Союза. С другой стороны, опасность для мирового коммунизма,
особенно со стороны фашистских держав Оси, казалась недооцененной,
поэтому ориентацию Коминтерна можно было понимать так, будто для
коммунистического движения не имело значения, какая сторона победит в
войне.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">22 июня 1941 года войска германского вермахта широким фронтом перешли
границу с СССР. Договор о ненападении был нарушен Германией и началась
Великая Отечественная война, самая кровопролитная часть Второй мировой
войны в Европе, которая закончилась военным уничтожением фашизма. Перед
Коминтерном стояла задача организации борьбы коммунистических партий
против германской агрессии во всех воюющих странах. В оккупированных
странах это означало продвижение организованного сопротивления
оккупации. Почти везде коммунисты были самой активной, самой крупной и
движущей силой антифашистского сопротивления. В Италии, Югославии,
Франции, Греции, Албании, Польше, Китае, Корее, Индокитае и
оккупированных частях Советского Союза были сформированы партизанские
отряды под коммунистическим руководством, которым в последующие годы
удалось заручиться массовой народной поддержкой и развязать эффективную
войну против фашистских оккупантов, нанося им постоянные потери,
связывая крупные контингенты войск и неоднократно нарушая их линии
снабжения.. Коммунисты разных национальностей и континентов пошли на
огромные жертвы и добились невообразимого, ведя борьбу с фашистами в
тяжелейших условиях и глубочайшем подполье, чего в большинстве случаев
не хотели или не могли сделать социал-демократы и другие буржуазные
силы.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b>Решение о роспуске Коминтерна</b></span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Во время войны Коминтерн утратил свое значение на практике, так как
многие коммунистические партии теперь должны были работать нелегально,
сам Советский Союз был вовлечен в борьбу не на жизнь, а на смерть, и
поэтому регулярные структуры Интернационала уже не функционировали как
раньше. Но уже на VII Всемирном конгрессе произошел сдвиг в отношениях
между всемирной организацией и ее национальными секциями. Уже тогда
исполком Коминтерна писал в своем докладе, что речь идет о том, чтобы «<i>помочь коммунистическим партиям использовать как свой собственный опыт, так и опыт </i><i>международных
коммунистических движений, избегая при этом механического переноса
опыта одной страны на другую и замены конкретного марксистского анализа
шаблонами и общими формулами»</i><a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote21sym"><sup><u>21</u></sup></a>. Кроме того, указывалось, что ИККИ «<i>долж</i><i>ен</i><i>
исходить из конкретных условий и особенностей каждой отдельной страны
и, как правило, избегать прямого вмешательства во внутренние
организационные дела коммунистических партий</i>»<a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote22sym"><sup><u>22</u></sup></a>.
Таким образом, Коминтерн уже до известной степени усвоил логику,
согласно которой классовая борьба определяется, прежде всего,
национальными условиями, потому коммунистические партии различных стран
лучше знают, что делать. Уже VII Всемирный конгресс косвенно поставил
под сомнение необходимость Интернационала. Решение о роспуске в 1943
году пришло не на ровном месте.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">В буржуазных источниках принято преподносить это решение как уступку
советского руководства западным союзникам с целью закрепления союза
антигитлеровской коалиции в разгар Великой Отечественной войны. Это,
безусловно, стало мотивом для роспуска, как показывает ответ Сталина
московскому корреспонденту агентства «Рейтер» от 28 мая 1943 года: «<i>Роспуск
Коммунистического Интернационала является правильным и своевременным,
так как он облегчает организацию совместного наступления всех
свободолюбивых наций на общего врага — гитлеровский фашизм. (…) она
разоблачает ложь гитлеровцев о том, что «Москва» якобы намерена
вмешиваться в жизнь других государств и «большевизировать» их. (…) Она
облегчает работу патриотов свободолюбивых стран по объединению
прогрессивных сил своих стран, независимо от их партийной принадлежности
и религиозных убеждений, в единый национальный лагерь свободы в целях
развития борьбы с фашизмом</i>» <a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote23sym"><sup><u>23</u></sup></a>.
При этом Сталин открыто заявлял, что на время общейборьбы с фашизмом не
может быть и речи о продвижении революции в западных капиталистических
странах.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Прежде всего, эта ориентация понятна в ситуации борьбы не на жизнь, а
на смерть: поражение Красной Армии от рук нацистской Германии означало
бы не только неизмеримые страдания, но и сильно бы отбросило мировой
революционный процесс назад. Проблематичным, однако, было создание
представления о существовании «свободолюбивого» лагеря, включающего не
только Советский Союз, но и некоторые из самых могущественных
империалистических государств, которые в прошлом сами совершали
бесчисленные варварские преступления и геноциды, жестоко подавляли
коммунистов и рабочее движение и т. д. Это открыло путь для последующей
оппортунистической политики союза с буржуазными силами, даже когда линия
фронта против капиталистических держав бывшей «антигитлеровской
коалиции» (1946-47) была возобновлена.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Однако утверждение, что роспуск Коминтерна был уступкой
капиталистическим союзникам, игнорирует тот факт, что с 1941 года в
руководящих кругах Интернационала велись внутренние дискуссии о том, не
устарела ли эта организация, — то есть в то время, когда Советский Союз
еще не находился в состоянии войны, не говоря уже о союзе с США и
Великобританией. Еще в апреле 1941 года Сталин провел переговоры с
Димитровым и руководителями французской и итальянской компартий Торезом и
Тольятти, в которых было единодушно заявлено, что компартии должны быть
независимыми, иметь свои программы и не «коситься через плечо на
Москву»<a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote24sym"><sup><u>24</u></sup></a>.
Ещё раньше, в ноябре 1940 года, Коммунистическая партия США вышла из
состава Коминтерна по тактическим соображениям. Очевидно, что эти
события были основаны не на тактических соображениях советской внешней
политики, а на уже выработанной на VII Всемирном конгрессе идее о том,
что общая организация коммунистов будет контрпродуктивной из-за
различных национальных условий.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Поэтому решение о роспуске Коминтерна, сформулированное в
постановлении Президиума ИККИ от 15 мая 1943 года, следовало
воспринимать всерьез,: <i>«Задолго до войны становилось все более
очевидным, что с нарастающим осложнением как внутреннего, так и
международного положения отдельных стран решение задач рабочего движения
каждой отдельной страны силами какого-либо международного центра
столкнется с непреодолимыми трудностями.Это различие в исторических
путях развития отдельных стран мира, неодинаковый, даже противоречивый
характер их общественного строя, отличия в уровне и темпах их
социального и политического развития, наконец, разные степени
сознательности и организованности трудящихся означает также, что перед
рабочим классом отдельных стран стоят разные задачи. Весь ход событий за
последнюю четверть века и опыт Коммунистического Интернационала
убедительно показали, что выбранная I конгрессом Коммунистического
Интернационала форма организации для объединения рабочих, отвечавшая
требованиям начального периода возрождения рабочего движения, всё более
устаревала по мере роста рабочего движения в отдельных странах и
усложнения его задач и даже стала препятствием для дальнейшего
укрепления национальных рабочих партий»</i><a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote25sym"><sup><i><u>25</u></i></sup></a><i>.</i></span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Существенная связь с VII Всемирным конгрессом была очевидна в том,
что подчеркивалось многообразие задач в различных странах и продолжалась
пропаганда политики Народного фронта всех антифашистских сил в
нефашистских странах.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Этот второй мотив решения о роспуске можно считать более важным,
поскольку, в отличие от мотива «пойти на уступки Западу в войне», на
него уже намекали с 1935 года, и с тех пор уже де-факто были предприняты
шаги к роспуску Коминтерна (путем увеличения автономности компартий и
выхода КП США). Это отражает фундаментальное переосмысление лидеров
мирового коммунистического движения, которые видели всё меньшую
необходимость в руководящем центре. Хотя роспуск Интернационала
обсуждался в узком кругу руководителей, что в условиях мировой войны
представлялось единственной возможностью, он отнюдь не навязывался
коммунистическим партиям, а, наоборот, даже приветствовался многими из
них. Официально все национальные секции согласились с решением о
роспуске, ни одна не возражала против него. Многие коммунистические
партии всё ещё оправдывали это много лет спустя <a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote26sym"><sup><u>26</u></sup></a>.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">В качестве примера можно привести более позднее высказывание Пальмиро Тольятти о том, что «<i>абсурдно
полагать, что оно [коммунистическое движение, — Прим. ред.] могло бы
осуществлять реальную руководящую деятельность из единого центра.
Коммунистические партии должны были своими собственными усилиями стать
политическим фактором в своей стране, а, значит, иметь возможность
двигаться самостоятельно, в зависимости от хода событий, переломов,
успехов и неудач. Таким образом, в определенном роде решения VII съезда
уже подразумевали решение о роспуске 1943 года, когда открыто было
заявлено, что прежняя централизованная форма организации уже не
соответствует положению и состоянию движения</i><i>»</i><a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote27sym"><sup><u>27</u></sup></a><i>. </i>Мао Цзэдун также приветствовал решение о роспуске <a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote28sym"><sup><u>28</u></sup></a>, а Чжоу Эньлай, как премьер-министр Китайской Народной Республики, позже заявил: «<i>Необходимо было создать Коммунистический Интернационал, и также необходимо было его распустить</i>»<a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote29sym"><sup><u>29</u></sup></a>.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b>Как следует оценивать роспуск Коминтерна?</b></span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Нет никаких сомнений в том, что роспуск Коминтерна был разрушительной
и важной ошибкой коммунистических лидеров того времени в среднесрочной и
долгосрочной перспективе. Это решение отрицало и игнорировало опыт
революционного рабочего движения с 19 века, которое неоднократно
демонстрировало необходимость совместной организации рабочего класса
всех стран против общего врага. Существование Третьего Интернационала
было одним из величайших достижений мирового коммунистического движения,
от которого теперь отказались его же лидеры. Благодаря Интернационалу
строительство коммунистических партий и классово-ориентированного
профсоюзного движения не нужно было вести в каждой стране исключительно
собственными усилиями; вместо этого коммунисты получали огромную и
разнообразную поддержку. Мысль о том, что такая поддержка больше не
будет нужна из-за возросшей силы компартий во многих странах, была
фатальной ошибкой, потому что никогда не могло быть гарантии, что
коммунистическому мировому движению не придется пробиваться через
тяжелые кризисные времена, в которых всемирная организация будет
жизненно важна. История коммунистических партий, например,
характеризовалась внутренней борьбой до конца 1920-х годов, и
потребовалось много времени, чтобы направление, представленное Эрнстом
Тельманом, которое соответствовало линии Коминтерна, возобладало. Еще в
начале 1930-х годов сам Коминтерн заявлял, что большевизация никогда не
проводилась в достаточной степени, т.е. даже несмотря на существование
Интернационала, его руководящие принципы не были полностью реализованы <a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote30sym"><sup><u>30</u></sup></a>. Убеждение в том, что коммунистические партии имеют достаточно опытные и стойкие кадры, была, очевидно, иллюзией.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">В колониях и полуколониях Коминтерн внес важный вклад в победу в
национально-освободительной борьбе угнетённых народов за союз с
коммунистическим движением и в пропаганду борьбы за социализм в этих
странах. Все это теперь отпало или должно было быть осуществлено
другими, меньшими средствами, прежде всего через официальную дипломатию
СССР как сильнейшего социалистического государства.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Однако, прекращение разработки совместных программ и стратегий
открыло двери в первую очередь для оппортунизма. Отныне вносились
всевозможные (как правило, правые) отклонения от революционной стратегии
под видом «учета национальных особенностей». Общая борьба против этих
отклонений на международном уровне и попытки исправить неправильные
ориентации имели место лишь в ограниченной степени, по крайней мере, уже
не как структурированный, коллективный дискуссионный процесс мирового
коммунистического движения. Такие поправки теперь вносились только в
отдельные коммунистические партии (например, в Коммунистическую партию
Греции, генеральный секретарь которой Захариадис в 1949 году начал
отвергать предыдущую стратегию промежуточных этапов <a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote31sym"><sup><u>31</u></sup></a>) или в двусторонних обменах (например, в сталинской критике КПК и ее концепции «социализма с китайской спецификой»<a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote32sym"><sup><u>32</u></sup></a>).
Отсутствие руководящего центра и систематического коллективного анализа
мирового коммунистического движения было особенно тяжелым, ведь
последний Всемирный конгресс Коминтерна открыл двери правому
оппортунизму, <i>—</i> двери, которые теперь не закрыть новым решением Коминтерна.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">В результате решения VII Всемирного конгресса о народном фронте,
которые Димитров фактически объявил тактическими изменениями, на самом
деле оказались стратегическими, постоянными. Поскольку уже не было
признанного, отведенного места для повторного обсуждения этих решений,
их критической оценки и, при необходимости, пересмотра, в лучшем случае
вносились выборочные и тактические корректировки. Таким образом,
политика народного фронта стала неотъемлемой частью политической
культуры мирового коммунистического движения, а ставить её под сомнение
воспринималось как святотатство.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Когда мы сегодня судим о решении о роспуске Коминтерна, мы должны
учитывать, что ретроспективное суждение всегда отличается от суждения с
точки зрения современников. Товарищи, принимавшие решения в то время,
неизбежно имели более ограниченный горизонт опыта и, прежде всего, у них
не было преимущества в знании дальнейшего хода истории. Мы никогда не
должны забывать, что, во-первых, Советский Союз и коммунистическое
движение были вовлечены в чрезвычайно жестокую борьбу за выживание и в
этой ситуации должны были хвататься за каждую соломинку, с которой они
могли справиться. Во-вторых, сегодня мы можем видеть в ретроспективе,
как те или иные действия имели долгосрочные последствия и каковы были
непредвиденные негативные итоги. Поэтому речь идет не об осуждении
нашего прошлого, об отказе от него или об отрицании революционного
характера Коминтерна в последние годы его существования, а о том, чтобы
назвать и проанализировать допущенные ошибки, чтобы по возможности
исправить и избежать их в будущем.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Одной из таких ошибок был роспуск Коминтерна. Ведь это решение в
конечном итоге не может быть оправдано. К 1943 году все западные
союзники уже воевали с нацистской Германией, и военная ситуация
изменилась в пользу Красной Армии после боёв за Москву и Сталинград. В
последующие месяцы Красная Армия смогла нанести ещё одно тяжелое
поражение вермахту в битве на Курской дуге. Если руководство Коминтерна и
Советского Союза надеялось, что западные империалисты откажутся от
своей принципиально враждебной позиции по отношению к Советскому Союзу и
коммунистическому движению в обмен на роспуск Коминтерна, то это была
опасная иллюзия. Сразу же после Второй мировой войны буржуазные силы
повсеместно снова начали бороться с коммунистами, в некоторых странах
также военным путем (Греция, Вьетнам, Корея, Малайя), и вооружились для
борьбы с Советским Союзом. Ещё до окончания войны части американского
государства строили планы сепаратного мира с нацистской Германией,
которые были сорваны благодаря вмешательству советской разведки
(«Операция «Восход»). Ещё в 1945 году, сразу после окончания Второй
мировой войны в Европе и в то время, когда война еще бушевала в
Восточной Азии, британский генеральный штаб разработал конкретные планы
агрессивной войны против Советского Союза, которые не были реализованы
только благодаря силе Красной Армии, а не уступкам английским
империалистам.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Прежде всего должен быть отвергнут аргумент о том, что различные
условия борьбы были бы веским аргументом против совместной международной
организации и разработки стратегии. Иметь общее стратегическое
направление значит иметь общий подход к определению противника, цели и
сил, на которые опираешься. Это не значит игнорировать национальные
особенности или быть тактически негибким, чтобы на каждую конкретную
ситуацию приходилось реагировать по одной и той же схеме, как
неоднократно подчеркивал Коминтерн в своих решениях. Необходимость
согласованной стратегической ориентации сегодня вытекает из того факта,
что империализм, т.е. монополистический капитал, преобладал как
господствующее общественное отношение во всем мире и поглотил все
общественные отношения. Эта ступень развития не оставляет места ни для
промежуточных стадий между капитализмом и социализмом, ни для
национально-освободительной борьбы, оторванной от борьбы за социализм. И
даже когда в 1920-х и 30-х годах всё ещё было по-другому, когда мир всё
ещё характеризовался колониальной системой и большими полуколониальными
территориями, Коминтерн был в состоянии учесть очень разные условия,
условия борьбы и предстоящие задачи коммунистов в колониях,
полуколониях, независимых странах, только начавших капиталистическое
развитие, и развитых империалистических странах. Программа Коминтерна
1928 года, часто оклеветанная как «левосектантская», не предусматривала
абсолютно одинакового подхода для всех стран, а основывалась на
различных условиях, чтобы выработать политику, соответствующую ситуации.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Если обоснование решения о роспуске также предполагает, что Коминтерн
– как и Международная ассоциация трудящихся – имел право на
существование только в течение ограниченного времени, это тоже
проблематично. Непонятно, почему необходимость международного
объединения рабочего класса должна была в какой-то момент отпасть, ведь
целью по-прежнему была мировая социалистическая революция. Кроме того,
решение о роспуске не давало никаких указаний на то, как может выглядеть
координация мирового коммунистического движения в будущем, и
потребовалось несколько лет, прежде чем для этого был создан новый
инструмент в виде Коммунистического информационного бюро.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Однако неправильное решение о роспуске Коминтерна не было
«предательством мирового революционного дела» в угоду национальным
интересам Советского Союза – как часто утверждают сегодня и не только
троцкисты. Особенно противоречиво то, что эти же силы часто обвиняют
Советский Союз в том, что он сделал Коминтерн послушным орудием своих
государственных интересов. Однако, если бы это было так, то возникает
вопрос, в какой степени отказ от этого инструмента отвечал «национальным
интересам» Советского Союза.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">На самом деле интересы Советского Союза и цель мировой революции были
неразрывно связаны, потому что долгосрочное выживание Советского Союза,
как неоднократно подчеркивал Сталин, могло быть обеспечено только
дальнейшими социалистическими революциями. Отношения между этими двумя
аспектами осложнялись главным образом подъемом фашизма, необходимостью
борьбы с ним и отсрочки войны против Советского Союза. Это привело к
некоторым тактическим компромиссам и поворотам, в которых цель защиты
Советского Союза была поставлена выше непосредственных боевых целей
коммунистических партий в капиталистических странах. Это тоже было
понятно и правильно в принципе, поскольку разрушение Советского Союза
означало бы всемирно-историческое поражение коммунистов всего мира, как
показал опыт после 1990 года. Однако в отношениях между интересами
Советского Союза и интересами мирового коммунистического движения было
бы необходимо более решительно выдвинуть последнее на передний план, как
только миновала неминуемая опасность разрушения Советского государства.
Иными словами, благоприятную ситуацию для распространения революции,
существовавшую в разные моменты в 1945 году и позже, следовало
использовать более агрессивно.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">С роспуском Коминтерна мировое коммунистическое движение вступило на
полицентричный путь и дало оппортунизму большое пространство для маневра
в каждой стране. Автономия коммунистических партий стала инструментом
прикрытия любого оппортунистического уклона во имя невмешательства
извне. В конце концов, все это было также во вред СССР, который был
вынужден по разным поводам насильственно вмешаться, потому что в
некоторых коммунистических партиях преобладали даже откровенно
контрреволюционные течения (как в Венгрии в 1956 году и Чехословакии в
1968 году), которые, если бы им позволили это сделать, не только
ликвидировали бы социализм в своих странах в короткие сроки, но также
резко изменили бы баланс сил между империалистическим и социалистическим
лагерями в пользу первых. Советскому Союзу пришлось вмешаться, чтобы
защитить экзистенциальные интересы, и он заплатил за это высокую
политическую цену – альтернативой было бы предотвращение возникновения
подобных ситуаций в первую очередь путем совместной стратегии развития
мирового коммунистического движения.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">С захватом власти контрреволюционными силами в Советском Союзе в
1980-х годах интернациональная приверженность СССР также подошла к
концу. Конец интернационализма означал и конец «вмешательства» в дела
других государств: революционное правительство Афганистана было брошено в
руки агрессивной контрреволюции моджахедов, вооруженных США, в то время
как другие страны-союзники также были лишены щедрой экономической
поддержки, которую они получали до сих пор, что ускорило победу
контрреволюции в большинстве стран.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b>Коммунистическое информационное бюро (Коминформ)</b></span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">В годы, последовавшие за роспуском Интернационала, отсутствие общей
стратегии социалистической революции было болезненно заметным. Ряд
коммунистических партий допустили на этом этапе серьезные ошибки,
отложив борьбу за социализм на неопределенное будущее <a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote33sym"><sup><u>33</u></sup></a> или присоединившись к так называемым правительствам «национального единства» — продолжению правительств Народного фронта <a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote33sym"><sup><u>33</u></sup></a>, фактически предоставив буржуазным партиям свободу для укрепления капиталистического господства.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Отсутствие координации между коммунистическими партиями все чаще
воспринималось как недостаток в последующие годы, даже если ошибка
роспуска Интернационала не была признана таковой. В сентябре 1947 года в
польском городе Шклярска-Поремба было основано Коммунистическое
информационное бюро (Коминформ), к которому, в отличие от Коминтерна,
принадлежало лишь несколько избранных партий,помимо КПСС, —компартии
стран Восточной Европы (Болгарии, ГДР, Югославии, Польши, Румынии,
Чехословакии и Венгрии), а также французские и итальянские коммунисты. В
постановлении об учреждении Коминформа говорилось, что «<i>отсутствие </i><i>связи между коммунистическими партиями, участвующими в</i> <i>настоящем
заседании, является серьезным недостатком при нынешнем положении дел.
Опыт показал, что такое отсутствие связи между коммунистическими
партиями является неправильным и вредным</i>»<a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote34sym"><sup><u>34</u></sup></a><a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote34sym">.</a></span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">На совещании, прошедшем несколькими днями ранее, Андрей Жданов,
ведущий советский политический деятель в создании Коминформа, произнес
знаменитую речь: «<i>Некоторые товарищи восприняли дело так, будто
роспуск Коминтерна означал уничтожение всякой связи между братскими
коммунистическими партиями. Опыт показал, что такое отделение
коммунистических партий друг от друга неправильно, вредно и в корне
противоестественно. Коммунистическое движение развивается в национальных
рамках, но в то же время имеет общие задачи и интересы для партий
разных стран. Вырисовывается довольно любопытная картина: социалисты,
которые изо всех сил старались доказать, что Коминтерн якобы издавал
московские директивы коммунистам всех стран, восстановили свой
Интернационал, а коммунисты, опасаясь оклеветать своих врагов по поводу
«руки Москвы», даже воздерживаются от собраний, не говоря уже о
обсуждении вопросов, представляющих общий интерес</i><i>»</i><a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote35sym"><sup><i><u>35</u></i></sup></a>.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Возвращение к организованным обменам между коммунистическими партиями
было, несомненно, шагом вперед. Однако заменить Коминтерн не удалось.
Во-первых, Коминформ был сравнительно произвольным союзом, из которого
было исключено большинство, в том числе некоторые очень важные
коммунистические партии. И, во-вторых, он был явно организован не как
централизованная организация с национальными секциями, а скорее как
форум для обмена мнениями между независимыми партиями. Тем не менее,
Коминформ был полезен в противодействии оппортунизму, господствовавшему в
практике различных коммунистических партий после Второй мировой войны.
Итальянская коммунистическая партия (ИКП), например, уже находилась в
процессе эффективного отрыва от своей революционной цели и способа
организации в качестве партии нового типа. Еще в апреле 1944 года
Тольятти заявил: «<i>Товарищи, я знаю, что сегодня перед итальянскими
рабочими не стоит задача сделать то, что сделано в России… Мы предложим
народу сделать Италию демократической республикой с конституцией,
гарантирующей всем итальянцам все свободы, свободу мысли и слова;
свобода печати, ассоциаций и собраний; свобода религии и
вероисповедания; Свобода мелкой и средней собственности развиваться, не
будучи раздавленной жадными и эгоистичными группами плутократии [!], то
есть крупным монополистическим капиталом. (…) Наша партия должна
коренным образом измениться, мы не можем быть уже мелким, ограниченным
объединением пропагандистов общих идей коммунизма и марксизма, а должны
быть большой, массовой партией, ближе к народу, ко всем слоям народа</i>»<a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote36sym"><sup><u>36</u></sup></a>. И снова появляетсяаргумент о «национальных особенностях»: «<i>Международный
опыт, который говорит нам, что при нынешних условиях классовой борьбы
во всем мире рабочий класс и трудящиеся массы могут найти новые пути к
социализму, отличные от тех, которые совершал, например, рабочий класс в
Советском Союзе</i>. <i>Обращаю ваше внимание на замечательный
пример: Югославия. (…) В каждой стране (…) марш к демократии и
социализму принимает особые формы, в соответствии с традициями и
национальными особенностями</i>»<a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote37sym"><sup><u>37</u></sup></a>.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">На учредительной конференции Коминформа Жданов подверг критике КПИ и
ФКП за инертность в революционной борьбе, за сотрудничество с буржуазией
и готовность к компромиссу с католическими и социал-демократическими
партиями<a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote38sym"><sup><u>38. </u></sup></a>После
этого югославская делегация, посоветовавшись со Ждановым, подробно
остановилась на критике итальянских и французских товарищей. Их обвиняли
в раболепии перед голлизмом и Ватиканом, иллюзиях в мирной
парламентской борьбе, разоружении партизанских армий. Идея о том, что
народная демократия может быть достигнута через участие коммунистов в
буржуазном правительстве, была подвергнута критике, как и структура ФКП,
которая была преобразована в широкую массовую партию, озабоченную
только количественным ростом. Говорили о «<i>тенденции к пересмотру
марксизма-ленинизма, (…) уклоне в сторону оппортунизма парламентаризма
во французской партии, итальянской партии, а также в других партиях</i>»<a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote39sym"><sup><u>39</u></sup></a>.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Год спустя, на второй конференции Коминформа в июне 1948 года,
отношения с Коммунистической партией Югославии резко ухудшились, так как
эта партия теперь также и в еще большей степени представляла правые
оппортунистические позиции. Теперь КПЮ обвиняли во враждебном отношении к
Советскому Союзу, в том, что она опиралась в своей политике в первую
очередь на крестьянство, а не на рабочий класс, и в этом контексте
терпимо относилась к развитию частной собственности, что она ставила под
сомнение руководящую роль партии и фактически растворила ее в широком
«народном фронте», что партия пренебрегла демократическим централизмом и
превратилась в бюрократическую и авторитарную организацию<a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote40sym"><sup><u>40</u></sup></a>. В результате Коммунистическая партия Югославии была исключена из Коминформа.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Однако этих важных вмешательств против наметившихся ревизионистских
тенденций было недостаточно, и в стратегических идеях советского
руководства в то время уже имелись проблемные аспекты. Например, в 1950
году на переговорах с генеральным секретарем Коммунистической партии
Великобритании (КПВБ) Гарри Поллиттом Сталин подверг критике
компромиссное отношение последнего к социал-демократии: «<i>Английские
коммунисты должны открыто заявить в программе своей партии, что
лейбористы вовсе не социалисты, а на самом деле являются левым крылом
Консервативной партии. Необходимо яснее сказать, что при лейбористском
правительстве капиталисты чувствуют себя очень комфортно, и их прибыли
продолжают расти, и что свидетельствует о том, что лейбористы никоим
образом не строят</i> <i>социализма</i>». Кроме того, английские
коммунисты обошливопрос об антиколониальной борьбе. Однако, наряду с
этой критикой, Сталин согласился с тактикой КПГБ в отношении
парламентского пути к социализму. Если бы английских коммунистов
обвинили в том, что они хотят установить советский строй в
Великобритании, они должны были бы ответить: «<i>что они не </i><i>хотят
ослаблять парламент, что Англия должна добиться социализма своим путем,
причем не тем путем, по которому пошла Советская власть, а
демократической республикой, возглавляемой не капиталистами, а
представителями народной власти, т.е. коалицией рабочих, трудовой
интеллигенции, низших слоев города и крестьян. Коммунисты должны
заявить, что эта власть будет действовать через парламент</i>»<a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote41sym"><sup><u>41</u></sup></a>.
Такиепозиции, однако, не были новыми, особенно в отношении тактики
британских коммунистов. Уже Ленин рекомендовал им в какой-то степени
поддержать реформистских лидеров, чтобы победить консерваторов на
выборах. «<i>В интересах революции необходимо предоставить этим правителям определенную парламентскую поддержку</i>», — говорил Ленин <a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote42sym"><sup><u>42</u></sup></a>.
Сталин и, конечно, Ленин, защищали революционную стратегию социализма в
её основе. Однако они оба пошли на тактические уступки реформизму,
которые в последующие годы не помогли в борьбе с оппортунизмом в
коммунистическом движении. Таким образом, правооппортунистический
поворот КПСС на XX съезде в 1956 г. мог показаться менее резким
разрывом, чем он был на самом деле, потому что можно было ссылаться на
тактические уступки, которые уже были сделаны в прошлом.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Сотрудничество в рамках Коминформа было недостаточным, но это было
лучше, чем вообще ничего, или просто неформальные двусторонние контакты
между коммунистическими партиями. Цель борьбы с оппортунизмом в мировом
коммунистическом движении перестала разделяться советским руководством
после смерти Сталина. После XX съезда КПСС (февраль 1956) КПСС приняла
явно правооппортунистические идеи относительно стратегии (концепция
мирного парламентского перехода к социализму), концепции социализма
(концепция «общенародного государства» и более широкое применение закона
стоимости при социализме) и внешней политики (мирное сосуществование с
империализмом, понимаемое теперь как дружественные отношения с ним). Под
руководством Хрущева КПСС распространила эти взгляды и в мировом
коммунистическом движении. Вскоре после XX съезда партии, в апреле 1956
года, решением ЦК КПСС в одностороннем порядке был распущен Коминформ, и
таким образом этот инструмент для объединения и координации
коммунистического мирового движения также был ликвидирован.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">С китайско-советским расколом (расколом мирового коммунистического
движения на прокитайский и просоветский лагерь), позже дополненным
расколом между Партией труда Албании и Коммунистической партией Китая, а
также конфликтами между Югославией и Албанией, в последующие
десятилетия возникли серьезные конфликты между коммунистическими
партиями. Отсутствие общей организации, в которой можно было бы
разрешить эти конфликты, и оппортунистические позиции, которые можно
было найти по всем без исключения сторонам этих межпартийных
конфликтовзначительно ухудшили ситуацию. Эти конфликты заслуживают
дальнейшего изучения, как и вопрос о том, не увеличило ли отсутствие
Коминтерна влияние основных компартий у власти над другими
коммунистическими партиями.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b>Реорганизация мирового коммунистического движения с 1990-х годов</b></span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">После того, как контрреволюция разрушила социализм в Советском Союзе и
других странах Восточной Европы, мировое коммунистическое движение
вступило в глубочайший кризис. Многочисленные коммунистические партии
распались, фактически трансформировались в партии социал-демократической
системы, потеряли большинство своих членов или погрузились в
дезориентацию и дезорганизацию. Контрреволюция лишний раз доказала,
насколько тесно было связано коммунистическое движение, даже не имея
единой организации: почти все социалистические страны встретили свой
конец одним махом, и во всех капиталистических странах мира коммунисты
внезапно утратили влияние.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">В этой ситуации Коммунистическая партия Греции взяла на себя
инициативу в 1998 году организовать Международные встречи
коммунистических и рабочих партий и создать совместное присутствие в
Интернете, создав веб-сайт solidnet.org.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Международные встречи сыграли важную роль в воссоздании мирового
коммунистического движения и политико-идеологическом развитии движения.
Однако с самого начала в них были вовлечены партии с самой разной
ориентацией – от откровенно буржуазно-капиталистических партий, таких
как ФКП во Франции, «Партия коммунистического возрождения» (Rifondazione
Comunista) в Италии или Коммунистическая партия Китая, до таких партий,
как Коммунистическая партия Греции, которая стремилась к революционной
переориентации мирового коммунистического движения. Эти различия
углубились за два с половиной десятилетия, прошедших с тех пор.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">В 2009 и 2013 годах, опять же в каждом случае по инициативе ККЕ, были
основаны совместный издательский орган марксистско-ленинской части
международного коммунистического движения «Международный
коммунистический обзор» и, от европейских коммунистических партий,
Инициатива коммунистических и рабочих партий. Обе инициативы были
направлены на углубление объединения и обмена между коммунистическими
партиями, придерживающимися марксизма-ленинизма. Некоторые партии, такие
как Португальская коммунистическая партия (ПКП) и ГКП, не участвовали с
самого начала, потому что они рассматривали более тесную координацию
марксистских сил как «раскол» в движении, хотя инициатива и
«Международный коммунистический обзор» никогда не состояли исключительно
из антиревизионистских партий.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Оказалось, что политико-идеологическое развитие мирового
коммунистического движения находится в постоянном движении, что часто
ссылка на марксизм-ленинизм была пустой болтовней без глубокого
понимания, и что минимальный консенсус по неприятии Европейского Союза
служил исключению откровенно проимпериалистических
«еврокоммунистических» партий, но ни в коем случае не был достаточным
для объединения подлинно коммунистических сил.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Некоторые партии, которые первоначально внесли свой вклад в
«Международный коммунистический обзор» и «Инициативу», в последующие
годы выродились в правые оппортунистические партии, такие как Партия
труда Бельгии, которая разработала реформистскую стратегию и де-факто
приняла ЕС, или Российская коммунистическая рабочая партия и Венгерская
рабочая партия, которые теперь явно поддерживают российский империализм.
Крупные расколы произошли в Коммунистической партии Турции и
Коммунистической партии народов Испании, в каждой из которых
правооппортунистическое крыло откололось от партии, после чего в Испании
антиревизионистская часть партии переименовала себя в Коммунистическую
партию трудящихся Испании. Все эти процессы показали, что понимание
империализма и стратегическая ориентация партии являются определяющими
критериями ее характера. В контексте, который сегодня видит себя как
коммунистическое мировое движение, с одной стороны, возникает
революционное, ленинское течение, а с другой — различные
оппортунистические течения, которые преимущественно ориентированы либо
на западный империализм (особенно на ЕС, как в случае с так называемыми
«еврокоммунистами»), либо на империалистический полюс во главе с Россией
и Китаем. Политика партий, которые выступают на стороне России, Китая,
Бразилии, Индии и т.д., буржуазия которых стремится укрепить позиции
этих стран в мировой империалистической системе, в конечном счете не
просто отличается от политики партий революционного полюса, а
противостоит им.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Процесс разделения мирового движения на оппортунистическую и
революционную, отделение зерна от плевел, а тем самым и разработка
собственных форм организации революционных частей мирового
коммунистического движения еще не завершены.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b>Что дальше? Нужен ли нам новый Коминтерн?</b></span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Поскольку причина существования Коминтерна, а именно господствующий в
мире империализм и международная организация классового врага для
поддержания своего господства, не только сохраняется сегодня, но и
развернулась в гораздо большей степени, чем ранее, необходимость нового
коммунистического интернационала очевидна.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Это, однако, не означает, что было бы немедленно возможно или
правильно запустить этот Интернационал. На протяжении десятилетий теория
«национальных особенностей» способствовала распространению оппортунизма
и вводила в заблуждение многочисленные коммунистические партии мира:
союзы с собственной буржуазией в рамках «антифашизма»,
«антиимпериализма», «национальной независимости», «социального
прогресса» или других целей беспрекословно вступают в многие
коммунистические партии. Идея о том, что движение к социализму возможно
или необходимо путем, отличным от пролетарской революции, например,
через «антимонополистическую демократию», «национально-демократические
революции» и т.п., подразумевает неправильную реформистскую стратегию и
приводит к катастрофическим политическим решениям. Подчинение
коммунистических партий правовым рамкам, диктуемых буржуазным
государством, делает революцию невозможной. Заигрывание с буржуазным
национализмом в якобы «угнетенных странах» вплоть до могущественных
империалистических государств, таких как Россия или Франция,
препятствует развитию последовательной интернационалистской линии
классовой борьбы.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Все эти проявления правого оппортунизма показывают, что в современном
мировом коммунистическом движении сосуществуют не просто «разные
подходы», которые автоматически вытекают из различий в условиях борьбы, а
что это борьба между марксизмом-ленинизмом и различными вариациями
оппортунизма и ревизионизма, которые необходимо победить, чтобы
коммунистическое движение не было окончательно уничтожено.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Ликвидация Коминтерна сегодня имеет печальное последствие: некоторые
коммунистические партии с серьезными оппортунистическими отклонениями
отказываются обсуждать свою политику и осуждают публичную или даже
непубличную критику как «вмешательство во внутренние дела». Это идет
рука об руку с неоправданной и необоснованной полемикой против тех
коммунистических партий, которые, такие как Коммунистическая партия
Греции (КПГ) и Коммунистическая партия Мексики (КПМ), в последние
десятилетия занимались критическим и продуктивным исследованием
оппортунизма в своей собственной истории, тем самым обновляя и укрепляя
себя и справедливо желая вести дискуссию на международном уровне.
Недостойно коммунистической партии уклоняться от обсуждения своей
политики и прикрываться принципом «невмешательства», когда на самом деле
речь идет вовсе не о «вмешательстве», а о честной критике и самокритике
среди коммунистов.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Ввиду этой проблемы восстановление всемирной организации всех
коммунистических партий в настоящее время не представляется возможным,
если только этому шагу не будет предшествовать прояснение и устранение
больших существенных разногласий внутри мирового коммунистического
движения. Интернационал, в котором сосуществуют друг с другом
революционные и оппортунистические, даже буржуазные позиции, невозможен:
либо он не сможет выработать революционную ориентацию для мирового
движения, либо эта ориентация не будет принята частью партий, либо они
вообще не смогут реализовать революционную стратегию со своей
организационной структурой, которая часто больше соответствует
социал-демократической, чем большевистской партии.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Поэтому воссоздание Коммунистического Интернационала, как бы он ни
был необходим, является длительным и сложным процессом, который состоит,
прежде всего, в том, что коммунистические партии, приверженные цели
социалистической революции и заинтересованные в революционном прояснении
решающих вопросов, должны постепенно найти более тесную координацию и
обмен содержанием, всё более тесную связь и конкретный поиск
сотрудничества. В настоящее время это затрагивает лишь небольшое число
сторон. Во многих коммунистических партиях или коммунистических
молодежных организациях эта борьба необходима. В то же время в некоторых
странах возникают новые коммунистические организации и партии,
порывающие с ревизионистскими и оппортунистическими традициями и
стремящиеся, как правило, очень ограниченными силами, восстановить
движение. С нашей точки зрения, более тесный обмен между всеми
последовательными марксистско-ленинскими силами, т.е. также и с
небольшими организациями, необходим и должен быть достигнут, не разрывая
открытого диалога с теми организациями, которые занимают иные позиции
по некоторым вопросам, но в то же время придерживаются основных
принципов марксизма-ленинизма: фундаментальное утверждение
демократического централизма и партии нового типа, необходимость
революции, понимание социалистической экономики как централизованного
планирования и обобществления средств производства и т.д. и пролетарский
интернационализм (отказ от национализма, отказ от поддержки
империалистических войн и т. д.).</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Мы, как Коммунистическая организация, также выступаем за такой
процесс, и с этой целью мы стремимся к обмену и сотрудничеству с
коммунистическими организациями и партиями в других странах, чтобы
внести свой вклад в восстановление международного коммунистического
движения с нашими ограниченными ресурсами и опытом, полностью осознавая,
что мы небольшая организация, который может внести лишь ограниченные
ресурсы и опыт в это великое начинание.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote1anc"><u>1</u></a> Карл Маркс и Фридрих Энгельс: Общие статуты и административные декреты Международной ассоциации трудящихся, в: MEW 17, p.440f</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote2anc"><u>2</u></a> Карл Маркс: Инаугурационная речь Международной ассоциации рабочих, MEW 16, стр. 13.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote3anc"><u>3</u></a> Коммунистический Интернационал 1919: Руководящие принципы Коммунистического</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Интернационала, онлайн: <a href="https://www.international-communist-party.org/BasicTexts/Deutsch/19Richtl.htm"><u>https://www.international-communist-party.org/BasicTexts/Deutsch/19Richtl.htm</u></a><a href="https://www.international-communist-party.org/BasicTexts/Deutsch/19Richtl.htm"> </a>, по состоянию на 2.5.2023.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote4anc"><u>4</u></a> Резолюция об условиях приема в члены Коммунистического Интернационала, онлайн:</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://www.1000dokumente.de/pdf/dok_0010_int_de.pdf"><u>https://www.1000dokumente.de/pdf/dok_0010_int_de.pdf</u></a><a href="https://www.1000dokumente.de/pdf/dok_0010_int_de.pdf">, </a>по состоянию на 2.5.2023.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote5anc"><u>5</u></a> Коммунистический Интернационал 1925: тезисы о большевизации коммунистических</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">партий, онлайн: <a href="https://ia902206.us.archive.org/17/items/protokolle-der-kongresse-der-kommunistischen-internationale/Thesen%20%C3%BCber%20die%20Bolschewisierung%20der%20kommunistischen%20Parteien.pdf"><u>https://ia902206.us.archive.org/17/items/protokolle-der-kongresse-der-</u></a></span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://ia902206.us.archive.org/17/items/protokolle-der-kongresse-der-kommunistischen-internationale/Thesen%20%C3%BCber%20die%20Bolschewisierung%20der%20kommunistischen%20Parteien.pdf"><u>kommunistischen-internationale/Thesen%20%C3%BCber%20die%20Bolschewisierung%20der%20kommunistis</u></a></span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://ia902206.us.archive.org/17/items/protokolle-der-kongresse-der-kommunistischen-internationale/Thesen%20%C3%BCber%20die%20Bolschewisierung%20der%20kommunistischen%20Parteien.pdf"><u>chen%20Parteien.pdf</u></a><a href="https://ia902206.us.archive.org/17/items/protokolle-der-kongresse-der-kommunistischen-internationale/Thesen%20%C3%BCber%20die%20Bolschewisierung%20der%20kommunistischen%20Parteien.pdf">, </a>проверено 2.5.2023 , стр. 8.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote6anc"><u>6</u></a> Там же, стр. 35 и далее.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote7anc"><u>7</u></a> Там же, стр. 38.</span></p>
<ol start="8"><li><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote8anc"><u>Ср.:</u></a>Осип
Пятницкий 1932: Большевизация коммунистических партий капиталистических
стран путем преодоления социал-демократических традиций. Издательский
кооператив иностранных рабочих в СССР, Москва.</span></li></ol>
<ol start="8"><li><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">«Главная задача социал-демократии в настоящее время состоит в том,
чтобы нарушить существенное боевое единство пролетариата в его борьбе
против империализма. Раскалывая и разрушая единый фронт пролетарской
борьбы против капитала, социал-демократия служит опорой империализма в
рабочем классе», Коммунистический Интернационал 1929: Программа
Коммунистического Интернационала, онлайн: <a href="https://www.marxists.org/history/international/comintern/6th-congress/index.htm"><u>https://www.marxists.org/history/international/comintern/6th-congress/index.htm</u></a><a href="https://www.marxists.org/history/international/comintern/6th-congress/index.htm">, </a>по состоянию на 2.5.2023.</span></li></ol>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote10anc"><u>10</u></a>Дальнейшее
изучение теории «опоры», их связи друг с другом и часто звучащей
критики за то, что она привела к недооценке фашистской опасности, должно
иметь место в будущем.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote11anc"><u>11</u></a><a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote11anc"> </a>«Фашистская
система — это система прямой диктатуры, идеологически отмеченная
«национальной идеей» и представленностью «профессий» (на самом деле
представительством различных групп правящего класса). Это система,
которая прибегает к своеобразной форме социальной демагогии
(антисемитизм, случайные вылазки против ростовщических капиталов и жесты
нетерпения по отношению к парламентской «говорильне»), чтобы
использовать недовольство мелкой буржуазии, интеллигенции и других слоев
общества (…). В то же время фашизм стремится проникнуть в рабочий
класс, привлекая в свои ряды наиболее отсталые слои рабочих, играя на их
недовольстве, пользуясь бездействием социал-демократии и т. д. Главная
цель фашизма состоит в уничтожении революционного рабочего авангарда, т.
е. коммунистических секций и руководящих звеньев пролетариата. (…) В
периоды острого кризиса для буржуазии фашизм прибегает к
антикапиталистической фразеологии, но после того, как он утвердился у
руля государства, он отбрасывает свою антикапиталистическую болтовню и
раскрывает себя как террористическую диктатуру крупного капитала».</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote12anc"><u>12</u></a>Там же.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote13anc">13https://www.bannedthought.net/International/Comintern/Congresses/6/RevMovementI</a> <a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote13anc">nTheColonies-Comintern-1928-crisp.pdf</a></span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote14anc"><u>14</u></a>Гектор
Маравилло 2017: Колониальная проблема и национальная буржуазия в Ленине
и Коммунистическом Интернационале, опубликовано на немецком языке: <a href="https://kommunistische.org/diskussion/die-koloniale-frage-und-die-nationale-bourgeoisie-bei-lenin-und-der-kommunistischen-internationale/">https://kommunistische.org/diskussion/die-koloniale-frage-und-die-nationale-bourgeoisie-bei-lenin-und-der-kommunistischen-internationale/</a><a href="https://kommunistische.org/diskussion/die-koloniale-frage-und-die-nationale-bourgeoisie-bei-lenin-und-der-kommunistischen-internationale/">, </a>по состоянию на 3.5.2023.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote15anc"><u>15</u></a>Георгий
Димитров 1935: Рабочий класс против фашизма. Доклад на VII Всемирном
конгрессе Коммунистического Интернационала, онлайн: <a href="http://www.mlwerke.de/gd/gd_001.htm">http://www.mlwerke.de/gd/gd_001.htm</a><a href="http://www.mlwerke.de/gd/gd_001.htm">, </a>дата обращения 2.5.2023.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote16anc"><u>16</u></a>Там же.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote17anc"><u>17</u></a>Там же.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote18anc"><u>18</u></a>И
это при том, что лозунг Народного фронта был снят в 1939 году после
договора о ненападении с Германией. Однако на самом деле политика
Коминтерна после вторжения Германии в Советский Союз снова основывалась
на политике Народного фронта.</span></p>
<ol start="19"><li><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote19anc"><u>Георгий Димитров</u></a>2003: Дневник Георгия Димитрова, 1933-1949, Йельский университет, стр. 136, 147, 155.</span></li></ol>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote20anc"><u>20</u></a>В переводе с английского: «Нынешняя война империалистическая и несправедливая.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Буржуазия всех воюющих государств должна нести за это ответственность. Эта война</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">не может быть поддержана рабочим классом этих стран, не говоря уже о его</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">коммунистических партиях. (…) Эта война коренным образом изменила ситуацию:</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">разделение капиталистических государств на фашистское и демократическое уже не</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">действует. В результате приходится менять тактику. Тактика коммунистической партии</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">воюющих стран на данный момент состоит в том, чтобы разоблачить ее</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">империалистический характер, заставить депутатов-коммунистов голосовать против</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">военных кредитов, сказать массам, что война не принесет ничего, кроме лишений и</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">страданий», Коммунистический Интернационал 1939: Директива Секретариата ИККИ о</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">начале войны, 8.9.1939, онлайн:</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://www.revolutionarydemocracy.org/rdv6n2/dimitrov.htm"><u>https://www.revolutionarydemocracy.org/rdv6n2/dimitrov.htm</u></a><a href="https://www.revolutionarydemocracy.org/rdv6n2/dimitrov.htm"> </a>, по состоянию на</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">2.5.2023.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote21anc"><u>21</u></a>Коммунистический
Интернационал 1935: О деятельности Исполнительного комитета
Коммунистического Интернационала, Седьмой Всемирный конгресс.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote22anc"><u>22 Коммунистический Интернационал 1943: Решение</u></a><a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote22anc"> </a>Президиума
ИККИ о роспуске Коммунистического Интернационала, 15.5.1943, онлайн:
https://www.1000dokumente.de/pdf/dok_0026_auf_de.pdf, по состоянию на
2.5.2023.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote23anc"><u>23</u></a> Иосиф Сталин 1946: Ответ товарища И.В. Сталина на вопрос главного докладчика</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">английского агентства печати Reuter, в: Сталин: О Великой Отечественной войне</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Советского Союза, Издательство литературы на иностранных языках: Москва, с. 55.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote24anc"><u>24</u></a> Димитров 2003, с. 155f</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote25anc"><u>25</u></a> Коммунистический Интернационал 1943: Решение Президиума ИККИ о роспуске Коммунистического Интернационала</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote26anc"><u>26 Коммунистический Интернационал 1943: Заявление</u></a>Президиума ИККИ о роспуске Коммунистического Интернационала, 8.6.1943, онлайн: <a href="http://ciml.250x.com/archive/comintern/dissolution_1943.html">http://ciml.250x.com/archive/comintern/dissolution_1943.html</a><a href="http://ciml.250x.com/archive/comintern/dissolution_1943.html">, </a>по состоянию на 2.5.2023.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote27anc"><u>27</u></a>Пальмиро Тольятти 1949: Некоторые проблемы истории Коммунистического Интернационала, онлайн: <a href="https://www.associazionestalin.it/IC_5_togliatti.html"><u>https://www.associazionestalin.it/IC_5_togliatti.html</u></a>, по состоянию на 2.5.2023.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote28anc"><u>28 Мао</u></a><a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote28anc"> </a>Цзэдун:
Коминтерн давно перестал вмешиваться в наши внутренние дела
(26.5.1943), Избранные произведения Мао Цзэдуна, т. VI, Kranti
Publications, Андхра-Прадеш, 1990.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote29anc"><u>29</u></a>Чжоу Эньлай 1960: Коммунистический Интернационал и Коммунистическая партия</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Китая, онлайн: <a href="http://www.marx2mao.com/Other/CI60.html"><u>http://www.marx2mao.com/Other/CI60.html</u></a>, по состоянию на 2.5.2023.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote30anc"><u>30</u></a>Ср.: Пятницкий, 1932.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote31anc"><u>31</u></a>Костас Сколарикос 2015: Теория и стратегия «еврокоммунизма» для капитала (греч.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">«Ευρωκομμουνισμός»). Θεωρία και στρατηγική υπέρ του Κεφαλαίου), Athens, p. 127.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote32anc"><u>32</u></a>Иосиф В. Сталин: Из беседы с делегацией ЦК КП Китая в Москве, 11 июля 1949 г.,</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">онлайн:</span></p>
<figure class="wp-block-embed"><div class="wp-block-embed__wrapper"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">
https://www.revolutionarydemocracy.org/rdv16n1/china.htm?fbclid=IwAR3iSCbegv-
</span></div></figure>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://www.revolutionarydemocracy.org/rdv16n1/china.htm?fbclid=IwAR3iSCbegv-NwIVCExvpfO47bwZjZdsGzDq1U83dNNHWOCM1T3y1ZBvyxZk"><u>NwIVCExvpfO47bwZjZdsGzDq1U83dNNHWOCM1T3y1ZBvyxZk</u></a><a href="https://www.revolutionarydemocracy.org/rdv16n1/china.htm?fbclid=IwAR3iSCbegv-NwIVCExvpfO47bwZjZdsGzDq1U83dNNHWOCM1T3y1ZBvyxZk">, </a>по состоянию на 18.3.2023.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote33anc"><u>33</u></a>Например,
КПГ, заявившая в июне 1945 года: «Мы считаем, что способ навязывания
Германии советского строя был бы неправильным, потому что этот путь не
соответствует нынешним условиям развития в Германии. Скорее, мы
придерживаемся мнения, что решающие интересы немецкого народа в нынешней
ситуации предписывают Германии другой путь, а именно путь установления
антифашистского, демократического режима, парламентской демократической
республики со всеми демократическими правами и свободами для народа»,
цитируется по: Обращение ЦК КПГ к немецкому народу о строительстве
антифашистско-демократической Германии, 11.6.1945, онлайн: <a href="https://www.1000dokumente.de/pdf/dok_0009_ant_de.pdf"><u>https://www.1000dokumente.de/pdf/dok_0009_ant_de.pdf</u></a>, дата обращения: 2.5.2023.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote34anc"><u>34</u></a> Коммунистическое информбюро: Резолюция об обмене опытом и координации партий, представленных на заседании, 27.9.1947, онлайн: <a href="https://www.1000dokumente.de/index.html?c=dokument_ru&dokument=0029_kim&object=context">https://www.1000dokumente.de/index.html?c=dokument_ru&dokument=0029_kim&objec</a> <a href="https://www.1000dokumente.de/index.html?c=dokument_ru&dokument=0029_kim&object=context">t=context</a><a href="https://www.1000dokumente.de/index.html?c=dokument_ru&dokument=0029_kim&object=context">, </a>по состоянию на 2.5.2023.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote35anc"><u>35</u></a> Доклад Жданова, 22.9.1947, онлайн:</span></p>
<figure class="wp-block-embed"><div class="wp-block-embed__wrapper"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">
https://www.cvce.eu/content/publication/1997/10/13/914edbc9-abdf-48a6-9c4a-
</span></div></figure>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://www.cvce.eu/content/publication/1997/10/13/914edbc9-abdf-48a6-9c4a-02f3d6627a24/publishable_de.pdf"><u>02f3d6627a24/publishable_de.pdf</u></a><a href="https://www.cvce.eu/content/publication/1997/10/13/914edbc9-abdf-48a6-9c4a-02f3d6627a24/publishable_de.pdf">, </a>проверено 2.5.2023, стр. 16.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote36anc"><u>36</u></a> Цитируется по Hans-Jakob Stehle 1982: Togliatti, Stalin and Italian Communism 1943-</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">1948, Sources and Research from Italian Libraries and Archives, vol. 62, p. 322f.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote37anc"><u>37</u></a> Там же, стр. 329</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote38anc"><u>38</u></a> Ср. Билл Блэнд 1998: Коминформ борется с ревизионизмом, онлайн: <a href="https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/uk.postww2/bland-cominform.pdf">https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/uk.postww2/bland-cominform.pdf</a><a href="https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/uk.postww2/bland-cominform.pdf">, </a>по состоянию на 3.5.2023, стр. 4.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote39anc"><u>39</u></a>
В переводе с английского: «Не будет преувеличением сказать, что
наметилась тенденция к пересмотру марксизма-ленинизма, к отклонению, как
это было с браудеризмом в Соединенных Штатах. После войны некоторые
коммунисты считали, что впереди мирный, парламентский период
умиротворения классовой борьбы — наметился уклон в сторону оппортунизма и
парламентаризма. во французской партии, итальянской партии, как и в
других партиях», zit.n. Там же, стр. 5.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote40anc"><u>40</u></a><a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote40anc"> </a>Там же, стр. 9 и далее.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote41anc"><u>41</u></a><a href="https://kommunistische.org/internationalismus/die-kommunistische-internationale-ihre-aufloesung-und-der-internationale-kampf-der-kommunisten-heute/#sdfootnote41anc"> </a>В
переводе с английского: «Английские коммунисты в программе своей партии
должны открыто сказать, что лейбористы вовсе не социалисты, а на самом
деле являются левым крылом Консервативной партии. Необходимо яснее
сказать, что при лейбористском правительстве капиталисты чувствуют себя
очень хорошо, и их прибыли продолжают увеличиваться и что уже один этот
факт говорит о том, что лейбористы ни в коей мере не собираются строить
социализм». Английские коммунисты должны ответить на это в своей
программе, что они не хотят ослаблять парламент, что Англия должна
прийти к социализму своим путем, а не путем, пройденным Советской
властью, а демократической республикой, которой будут руководить не
капиталисты, а представители народной власти, т. е. коалиция рабочих.
рабочая интеллигенция, низшие классы городов, а также крестьяне.
Коммунисты должны заявить, что эта власть должна действовать через
парламент». из: Иосиф В. Сталин и Гарри Поллитт: Британский путь к
социализму, онлайн: <a href="https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/uk.postww2/stalin-pollitt.pdf">https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/uk.postww2/stalin-pollitt.pdf</a><a href="https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/uk.postww2/stalin-pollitt.pdf">, </a>по состоянию на 3.5.2023.</span></p>
<ol start="42"><li><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Ленин: «Левый радикализм», «Детская болезнь в коммунизме», LW 31, стр. 67 и далее.</span></li></ol></div><p></p><p style="text-align: right;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">kommunistische.org</span></p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8285433957148191622.post-12720657319416538692024-03-08T15:05:00.005+02:002024-03-08T15:05:50.714+02:00Mitsotakis' anti-communist rant against the KKE<p style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEheOkYRTpNgfgBGweRJ7GQv1VkVlGDHGqOeMWRNyAqg8LyS5rEfs3wqf3pFJJjmweQqThJLJfLQqsAr5axH4kpS_t_OpdUtpcteosNUIbqG20G4XyUNeZLILU8J5ehexMYWppuR_lPqh0WVyz-PKmJttU88KMaKazfU8bj2uMT2P2dydj9SXaA0T2Qsr27l/s811/MITSOTAKIS%20ANTICOMMUNISM.png" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="527" data-original-width="811" height="280" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEheOkYRTpNgfgBGweRJ7GQv1VkVlGDHGqOeMWRNyAqg8LyS5rEfs3wqf3pFJJjmweQqThJLJfLQqsAr5axH4kpS_t_OpdUtpcteosNUIbqG20G4XyUNeZLILU8J5ehexMYWppuR_lPqh0WVyz-PKmJttU88KMaKazfU8bj2uMT2P2dydj9SXaA0T2Qsr27l/w430-h280/MITSOTAKIS%20ANTICOMMUNISM.png" width="430" /></a></span></div><div style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">By <b>Nikos Mottas</b></span><br /></div><div><p></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Today, Greek PM <a href="http://www.idcommunism.com/search/label/Mitsotakis" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">Kyriakos Mitsotakis</span></a> couldn't hide his disturbance for the fact that the <a href="http://www.idcommunism.com/search/label/KKE" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">Communist Party</span></a> (KKE) leads the struggle against the monstrous bill which establishes private universities. For that reason he resorted to hideous anti-communism, <a href="https://www.902.gr/eidisi/voyli/358092/emetikos-antikommoynismos-kai-athlies-sykofanties" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">unleashing slanders against the KKE</span></a>. <br /><br />The pretext behind Mitsotakis' rant was yesterday's speech of KKE's General Secretary <a href="http://www.idcommunism.com/search/label/Dimitris%20Koutsoumbas" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">Dimitris Koutsoumbas</span></a> who exposed and denounced phenomena of extreme exploitation of female and male students in Nordic countries due to the commercialization of High Education. More specifically, Secretary Koutsoumbas criticized the so-called “Scandinavian model”, saying: </span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><span></span></span></p><a name='more'></a><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">“As for the Scandinavian model, not even the Scandinavians believe in it, as they have also faced bitter experiences due to the imposition of tuition fees. [This has] resulted in a rotten state of affairs where young female students resort to seeking ‘sugar daddies’ to finance their studies, in exchange for favors we are all aware of. Perhaps you should consider emulating another ‘capitalist paradise’.”</span><br /><br /><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Apparently, Mr Mitsotakis couldn't accept the exposure of the ugly, monstrous face of capitalist exploitation by the KKE. He accused the General Secretary for “sexism” and referred to the KKE as “the most anachronistic power in this room”. Furthermore, the Prime Minister used vulgar language concerning women who lived in socialist countries by saying: “Perhaps you imagine Greece as a communist country, because these things happened elsewhere”. </span><br /><br /><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The deplorable remarks of Mitsotakis – an outspoken supporter of NATO, USA and EU murderous imperialism – draw the response from Secretary Koutsoumbas who replied: “Your words that the KKE is an anachronistic party consist an honor of the KKE. You should be ashamed for being silent over exploiters who seek to seduce students”. </span><br /><br /><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">We had no illusions whatsoever about the political and ideological origins Kyriakos Mitsotakis and his New Democracy party. But today, the Prime Minister proved, straightforwardly and beyond doubt, that he is a shameless, historically illiterate anti-communist. New Democracy party, a political power which since 1974 represents the interests of the capitalist elite, has neither the moral nor the political right to pose as a defender of progressiveness or, even more, women's rights. </span><br /></div></div><div><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><br />Despite anti-communist slanders, Mr Mitsotakis and his party cannot and will not hide the deep decay of the exploitative capitalist system. History will soon or later judge the sworn enemies of the working class. </span><span><!--more--></span><p></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span><span style="font-size: medium;"><span><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><span><b>* Nikos Mottas is the Editor-in-Chief of In Defense of Communism. </b></span></span></span><span><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><span><b> </b></span></span></span><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><span><b> </b></span></span></span></span><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><span><b> </b> </span></span></span><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"> </span><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></p>
<div style="clear: both;"></div>
</div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8285433957148191622.post-4680185500343188912024-03-07T19:41:00.000+02:002024-03-07T19:41:08.149+02:00International Working Women’s Day 2024: Statement by the European Communist Action<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiRAgTWVTzplh3jwCTVgw31QVg0UuLxKO3sD73vyMpfviAjQzcIdQlHLdIXG-Ro1dCaqsbiEW5A8ITUvI2TWDh9LcysKaS3bVvR_50AuD6EVuYlZrwh0VtQi6l1cxOj9zR-M0JMmSmaNcG7M-Dhv0A3N76vX4nA9w4a2CCE-se3nN-1A-DIjQuI_U2_RLwM/s850/8March2.jpg_1449415681.jpg" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="486" data-original-width="850" height="267" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiRAgTWVTzplh3jwCTVgw31QVg0UuLxKO3sD73vyMpfviAjQzcIdQlHLdIXG-Ro1dCaqsbiEW5A8ITUvI2TWDh9LcysKaS3bVvR_50AuD6EVuYlZrwh0VtQi6l1cxOj9zR-M0JMmSmaNcG7M-Dhv0A3N76vX4nA9w4a2CCE-se3nN-1A-DIjQuI_U2_RLwM/w457-h267/8March2.jpg_1449415681.jpg" width="457" /></a></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Statement of the <b><a href="http://www.idcommunism.com/search/label/European%20Communist%20Action" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">European Communist Action</span></a></b> (ECA) on the <b><a href="http://www.idcommunism.com/search/label/International%20Women%27s%20Day" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">International Working Women's Day</span></a>:</b></span><br /></div><div><p></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">"International Working Women’s Day symbolises the process of
emancipation of working-class women. It is inseparable from class
struggle and the fight against the ever-worsening conditions of
inequality experienced by women, which cannot be decoupled from the
capitalist system in which we live.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><span></span></span></p><a name='more'></a>
<p></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Their enduring exploitation and oppression continue to flow from a
system of property relations based on the capitalist accumulation of
wealth and the appropriation of labour.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Working-class women experience many forms of discrimination,
including the gender pay gap, part-time and precarious work, employment
recruitment and bias due to maternity and menopause. They receive lower
wages, get worse jobs and lower pensions. In addition, women bear the
brunt of the household and are more often burdened with childcare or
family care. They face discrimination, sexism, violence, unequal
treatment, sexual harassment in the workplace, in the family and
elsewhere that often results in permanent damage and in some cases
physical injury and death. At the same time, they have less
opportunities to escape abusive situations because of economic
conditions. The exponential growth in harassment and murder of women in
their family and domestic social context is related with the capitalist
exploitative system that gives rise to phenomena such as the cult of
possession, the commodification of women and their bodies, and
prostitution. The class profile of women subjected to violence shows
very many are members of the working class who are employed or
unemployed, and they are relatively poorer.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Recent years have been marked by the massive imposition of
teleworking by the big employers, which has significantly worsened the
situation for many working women with young families being compelled to
work more without childcare being provided by the state. These
unacceptable life and work conditions have a negative impact on women’s
participation in trade union activity, in social and political life.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">It is increasingly common for women to live in poverty, compromising
their physical and mental health, facing the intensification of work,
flexible working hours, poor housing, the lack of amenities such as
child care, supplementary pension for mothers, etc., the absence of
proper healthcare that meets women’s specific needs, as well as access
to safe and free state abortion services.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The European Union and the governments of the Member States, through
“market liberalisation”, deregulation of labour relationships and
privatisation serve the interests of big capital and intensify the
attack on the working class, seriously impacting on women.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The commercialisation of education, health, social security and care
services, while reducing state responsibility, increases the burden on
working-class women and women of the popular strata.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The task of the Communist and Workers’ Parties is to develop a strong
class-based approach to those areas in order to lead the struggle for
the equality of working-class women in every aspect of life.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Imperialism, with its sanctions, interventions and war, as witnessed
by Israel’s genocide in Gaza and the imperialist war in Ukraine, have
enormous implications for women, children, and families including the
risk of death, injury, impoverishment, loss of livelihood, displacement,
human trafficking and dangerous forced migration in search of safety to
be met by the stonewall of EU mechanisms and repression agreements.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Gender inequality remains rooted in class inequality. Women do not
stand apart from the class struggle. Some theories and political
practices attempt to distance women’s inequality and oppression for
exploitative relations of production and the class roots of women’s
oppression. The core of women’s inequality remains because capital has
an interest in exploiting discrimination against women to intensify
capitalist exploitation.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">It is the role of the communists to connect with women of a
working-class and popular class background, to rally them around us in
the struggle. It is only through the overthrow of the capitalist system
which creates and perpetuates their oppression, the establishment of
social ownership of the concentrated means of production and the
construction of a socialist society where the working class is in power,
that true equality, human emancipation and the genuine emancipation of
women and equality between the sexes will be attained.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The Great October Socialist Revolution of 1917 established important
rights for women, equality under the law, the right to divorce, and the
right to free and legal abortion.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">On International Women’s Day 2024 we intensify the struggle for
women’s emancipation, against the EU and the system of capitalist
exploitation and imperialist wars."</span></p><p style="text-align: right;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">eurcomact.org <br /></span></p></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8285433957148191622.post-2705400305588804322024-03-07T11:31:00.007+02:002024-03-07T11:38:26.823+02:0093rd anniversary of the Communist Party of Venezuela<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiusilmdJia6t-jVSLTteyrxzQnuRAeOUw1RFZxG_pMtrJPyBZ85pCFxYLuFI75SWXmdxU2tPiu1X1V801HpHramGx9yjJcBDAqxLY5L0S69a9fWHA_QrN08IutiuvFscv-CSOP-Qsxn0fy8rsz0dm1UYrpvM62EJJ1xcrYDv8S2f-ai3UZXpOLHcXQ7_PI/s800/PCV%20Partido%20Comunista%20de%20Venezuela%20bandera.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="508" data-original-width="800" height="278" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiusilmdJia6t-jVSLTteyrxzQnuRAeOUw1RFZxG_pMtrJPyBZ85pCFxYLuFI75SWXmdxU2tPiu1X1V801HpHramGx9yjJcBDAqxLY5L0S69a9fWHA_QrN08IutiuvFscv-CSOP-Qsxn0fy8rsz0dm1UYrpvM62EJJ1xcrYDv8S2f-ai3UZXpOLHcXQ7_PI/w438-h278/PCV%20Partido%20Comunista%20de%20Venezuela%20bandera.jpg" width="438" /></a></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">On March 5, 1931, under the most adverse
conditions of persecution and political extermination, the first
communist branch was formed in Venezuela. </span><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Since then, 93 years of
consistent struggle for the definitive emancipation of the working class
from the yoke of capital have passed.</span></div>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The efforts and contributions of the
<a href="http://www.idcommunism.com/search/label/PCV" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">Communist Party of Venezuela</span></a> (PCV) to the organization of the working
people of the city and the countryside for the conquest of political,
social and labor rights, constitute deeds of ample recognition that no
power can erase from history or from the memory of our people. Nor can
the firm and intransigent struggle against imperialism of the Venezuelan
communists be hidden.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><span></span></span></p><a name='more'></a><p></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Venezuela is currently facing one of the
most complex crises in its history. It is a new crisis that reveals the
profoundly backward character of Venezuelan dependent capitalism and of
the corrupt political elite that sustains it by acting with its back to
the national interest and completely against the rights of Venezuelan
workers.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">This reality is aggravated by the
unilateral coercive measures of imperialism, with which they have
futilely tried to force a change of government and which -together with
the openly anti-worker and anti-popular policies of the leadership led
by Nicolás Maduro- have led to the impoverishment of the working family
and the massive migration of millions of compatriots, whose living
conditions have been destroyed, as a consequence.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The PCV reaches its 93rd anniversary
facing with firmness and dignity the obscene maneuver of the
anti-communist government of Nicolás Maduro that -through an illegal
judicial sentence- has handed over the legal status and the electoral
ticket of the legendary PCV to a mercenary group that has nothing to do
with the dignified communist membership The purpose of this
anti-democratic and unconstitutional trick is evident: to prevent the
working class from having an electoral option to dispute the positions
of the two poles responsible for the national catastrophe we are
suffering.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">In view of this scenario marked by the
pulverization of wages, the criminalization of the workers and popular
struggles, the accentuated authoritarianism, the evident regression in
democratic liberties and the shameless pact between the leadership of
the Government-PSUV, the traditional right wing and Fedecámaras Chamber
of Business and Commerce, the PCV’s XVI National Congress agreed to
promote the broadest unity of action for the recovery and defense of the
violated rights.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">We Venezuelan communists have also
proposed the regroupment of the revolutionary and anti-imperialist
forces to build a genuine alternative to the pact of the elites from the
workers’, peasants’ and popular camp.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Consistent with our heroic tradition of
struggle and with pride, the communist membership holds the banners of
the socialist revolution high.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">We continue on our feet: joining forces; organizing struggles!</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b>Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Venezuela</b></span></p>
<hr />
<p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjbFIXVhYj_ZOc5wetmPB2DXDbQjEZc3qvMJR8MGuLwsx7AEbnFLF3_l_3ycTT8BTPTlvYLLve13CFDlbHp_9l8mZn75P_vyHBL9VhV_6JSboweqDfLpwxVksMz-sSxKWYMSxIuXiq0YxjOlJE34opR5b7V1NBExHEvsW3tGKv-Hx_OfMQwp-osyvlOPGld/s1080/pcv%2093.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1080" data-original-width="1080" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjbFIXVhYj_ZOc5wetmPB2DXDbQjEZc3qvMJR8MGuLwsx7AEbnFLF3_l_3ycTT8BTPTlvYLLve13CFDlbHp_9l8mZn75P_vyHBL9VhV_6JSboweqDfLpwxVksMz-sSxKWYMSxIuXiq0YxjOlJE34opR5b7V1NBExHEvsW3tGKv-Hx_OfMQwp-osyvlOPGld/w400-h400/pcv%2093.jpg" width="400" /></a></span></div><p></p>
<p style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b>93° aniversario del Partido Comunista de Venezuela</b></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><i>COMUNICADO.-</i> El 5 de marzo de
1931, bajo las más adversas condiciones de persecución y exterminio
político, se conformó la primera célula comunista en Venezuela. Desde
entonces han transcurrido 93 años de lucha consecuente por la
emancipación definitiva de la clase obrera del yugo del capital.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Los esfuerzos y aportes del Partido
Comunista de Venezuela (PCV) a la organización del pueblo trabajador de
la ciudad y el campo para la conquista de derechos políticos, sociales y
laborales, constituyen hechos de amplio reconocimiento que ningún poder
podrá borrar de la historia y ni de la memoria de nuestro pueblo. Así
como tampoco se puede ocultar la firme e intransigente lucha contra el
imperialismo de las y los comunistas venezolanos.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Venezuela enfrenta en la actualidad una
de las crisis más complejas de su historia. Se trata de una nueva crisis
que revela el carácter profundamente atrasado del capitalismo
dependiente venezolano y de la élite política corrupta que lo sostiene
con una actuación de espaldas al interés nacional y completamente en
contra de los derechos de las y los trabajadores venezolanos.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Esta realidad se agrava con las medidas
coercitivas unilaterales del imperialismo, con las que inútilmente han
tratado de forzar un cambio de gobierno y que –junto a la política
abiertamente antiobrera y antipopular de la cúpula dirigida por Nicolás
Maduro– han dejado como consecuencia el empobrecimiento de la familia
trabajadora y la migración masiva de millones de compatriotas, cuyas
condiciones de vida han sido destruidas.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">El PCV alcanza sus 93 años enfrentando
con firmeza y dignidad la obscena maniobra del Gobierno anticomunista de
Nicolás Maduro que –a través de una ilegal sentencia judicial– ha
entregado la personería jurídica y la tarjeta electoral del legendario
Gallo Rojo a un grupo mercenario que nada tienen que ver con la digna
militancia comunista. El propósito de esta treta antidemocrática e
inconstitucional es evidente: impedir que la clase trabajadora cuente
con una opción electoral que le dispute posiciones a los dos polos
responsables de la catástrofe nacional que sufrimos.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Ante este escenario marcado por la
pulverización del salario, la criminalización de las luchas obreras y
populares, el acentuado autoritarismo, el evidente retroceso en
libertades democráticas y el descarado pacto entre la cúpula del
Gobierno-PSUV, la derecha tradicional y Fedecámaras, el XVI Congreso
Nacional del PCV acordó impulsar la más amplia unidad de acción para la
recuperación y defensa de los derechos conculcados.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Las y los comunistas venezolanos también
nos hemos propuesto el reagrupamiento de las fuerzas revolucionarias y
antiimperialistas para construir una genuina alternativa al pacto de
élites desde el campo obrero, campesino y popular.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Consecuentes con nuestra heroica
tradición de lucha y con orgullo, la militancia comunista mantiene en
alto las banderas de la revolución socialista.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Seguimos en pie: ¡sumando fuerzas; organizando luchas!</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b>Buró Político del Comité Central del Partido Comunista de Venezuela</b></span></p><p style="text-align: right;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">prensapcv.wordpress.com <b><br /></b></span></p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8285433957148191622.post-54274804669452681182024-03-06T18:00:00.001+02:002024-03-06T18:00:45.264+02:00Was Stalin poisoned by the West? Communist Party in Russia calls for probe over Soviet leader's death<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgb6dpL8DPhBOGBi_hZuHgHQzTKcEn8dRrWFyNBctqzO4FeWsnGupmTApnGwm4BhrvmbZDDDUZguj0giq256skvKx1eDh6aJ_emOWqKEBuQ58OAptsfjblmLfmHe0AKKnGQ7y0CXihCX8pgu23HQTlFi4bhqYeYRS_NiiLmDpsQS411SlDnoc5SMm3Uzlg8/s1200/stalin%20portrait%20Kremlin%202.jpg" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="732" data-original-width="1200" height="260" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgb6dpL8DPhBOGBi_hZuHgHQzTKcEn8dRrWFyNBctqzO4FeWsnGupmTApnGwm4BhrvmbZDDDUZguj0giq256skvKx1eDh6aJ_emOWqKEBuQ58OAptsfjblmLfmHe0AKKnGQ7y0CXihCX8pgu23HQTlFi4bhqYeYRS_NiiLmDpsQS411SlDnoc5SMm3Uzlg8/w426-h260/stalin%20portrait%20Kremlin%202.jpg" width="426" /></a></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">On the occasion of the 71st death anniversary of <a href="http://www.idcommunism.com/search/label/Joseph%20Stalin" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">Joseph Stalin</span></a>, the "Communists of Russia" party, </span><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">a<span>ppealed to the FSB and the Prosecutor General's Office of the Russian
Federation with a request to check the possible involvement of Western
intelligence services in the death of the great Soviet leader, <a href="https://ria.ru/20240305/kommunisty-1931130955.html" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">RIA Novosti reported</span></a>. </span></span></div><p></p><p></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">“The party appealed with a request to check the possible involvement
of Western intelligence services in the death of Joseph Vissarionovich
Stalin,” says Sergey Malinkovich, chairman of the party.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><span></span></span></p><a name='more'></a><p></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">“Many testimonies from Stalin’s contemporaries speak of the possible
poisoning of the leader of the Soviet nations by agents of Western
influence,” Malinkovich added.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The legendary Bolshevik revolutionary who led the Peoples' Antifascist Victory died on 5 March 1953. An autopsy found he died from a haemorrhagic stroke following years of
health issues, including an earlier stroke and heart attack in 1945. </span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The "Communists of Russia" (CPCR), a minor party founded in 2009 by Maxim Suraykin, has been sharply accused by other communist parties and groups in Russia as </span><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">a spoiler and a front for the Russian government.</span></p><div style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span><span><span><b> </b><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><span><span><span><span><span><span><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><span><span><span><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span style="font-family: Work Sans;"><b><span face="Verdana, sans-serif"><a href="http://www.idcommunism.com/" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">IN DEFENSE OF COMMUNISM</span></a> </span></b><span face="Verdana, sans-serif"><span style="background-color: white;">©</span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span><span><span style="font-family: Raleway;"> </span></span></span></span><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><br /></span></span></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8285433957148191622.post-54736272493157412952024-03-05T16:59:00.000+02:002024-03-05T16:59:02.475+02:00Rizospastis: Greek government's participation in EU Red Sea mission serves the interests of Greek capital <p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjwRCNe2tgCHe88lUA5PTUBUPryORm4Xqns9l15r0sI3TOc2jVQdb5K738O-MoeCqxUZQ_G6M6TkSZ8chz_y3ttvKFj4dBkShAEUiMoNpXt4XzdCzGyN7NVFYyMknDIHWh_je5JpQD-eWDeV5Fo6aAliETxZ2hDZYMdSGVn0UFiFbRSy-QPWV3PRpUb_9HH/s1100/frigate%20hydra%20gr.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="730" data-original-width="1100" height="286" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjwRCNe2tgCHe88lUA5PTUBUPryORm4Xqns9l15r0sI3TOc2jVQdb5K738O-MoeCqxUZQ_G6M6TkSZ8chz_y3ttvKFj4dBkShAEUiMoNpXt4XzdCzGyN7NVFYyMknDIHWh_je5JpQD-eWDeV5Fo6aAliETxZ2hDZYMdSGVn0UFiFbRSy-QPWV3PRpUb_9HH/w429-h286/frigate%20hydra%20gr.jpg" width="429" /></a></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Article published in <a href="https://www.rizospastis.gr/story.do?id=12445440" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">Rizospastis</span></a>, Organ of the CC of the <a href="https://www.idcommunism.com/search/label/KKE" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">KKE</span></a>, on Tuesday 5 March 2024:</span></div><p></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">"Since last Sunday (3/3), the frigate Hydra has been sailing in the dangerous waters of the Red Sea.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Its participation in the European and
Euro-Atlantic naval mission confirms that the bourgeoisie does not
hesitate to involve the people in military adventures, even to lead them
into war, in order to defend its interests and those of its US-NATO
allies.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><span></span></span></p><a name='more'></a><p></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Its own interests are hidden behind the
“national interest” which the government and the other parties
shamelessly invoke in order to justify the operation.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The other parties, especially SYRIZA and
PASOK, have not said a word about this dangerous and unacceptable war
operation. And how could they say anything, since the course of the
frigate and of the Greek involvement in the war as a whole is determined
by the interests of the bourgeoisie, the USA - NATO - EU, which they
all serve with their policies.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The operation in the Red Sea defends the
interests of the shipowners who control the largest fleet in the world
in terms of maritime transportation and shipping.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The port of Piraeus is the first
European stop for the majority of merchant ships passing through Suez.
Without the canal, the port will lose its value as a gateway from Asia
to European markets.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">This goes against the plans of the Greek
monopolies, governments and their parties to turn Greece into a
transport and energy hub.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">In the wider area of the Red Sea, from
the entrance to the Persian Gulf to the east coast of Africa, there is a
build-up of military forces from all the imperialist camps, each aiming
to secure its own interests against its competitors.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">By participating in the imperialist
plans and war operations, our people become the perpetrators against
other peoples in the region, with whom they share the same interests,
and at the same time the victims of the imperialist plans of NATO’s
opponents.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Therefore, today it is necessary to link
even more decisively the struggle against the military involvement with
the conflict against the plans of the bourgeoisie and the policies of
the parties that serve its profits and interests, leading the people
into dangerous paths.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">To strengthen the current disputing the
dominant anti-popular policy, which not only deprives the people of
their basic needs, but will not hesitate to turn them into canon fodder
for the imperialists once again, as competition is intensifying
worldwide and in our neighbourhood.</span> <br /></p><hr />
<p style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b> </b></span></p><p style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b>Военная миссия в интересах греческого капитала</b></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">В воскресенье, 3 марта, фрегат «Гидра» отправился в опасные воды Красного моря.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Его участие в европейской и
евроатлантической военно-морской миссии подтверждает, что буржуазия без
колебаний вовлекает народ в военные авантюры, даже в войну, чтобы
защитить свои интересы и интересы своих американо-натовских союзников.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Свои интересы она маскирует
«национальными интересами», на которые бесстыдно ссылаются правительство
и другие партии для оправдания данной миссии.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Остальные партии, в частности СИРИЗА и
ПАСОК, не обмолвились ни словом об этой опасной и неприемлемой военной
миссии. Да и что они могут сказать, ведь курс фрегата и в целом участие
Греции в войне продиктованы интересами буржуазии, США, НАТО, ЕС, которым
служат все эти партии, проводя свою политику.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Миссия в Красном море призвана защищать интересы судовладельцев, контролирующих крупнейший в мире танкерный флот.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Порт Пирей является первой европейской
остановкой для большинства торговых судов, проходящих через Суэцкий
канал. Без канала порт теряет свою ценность как ворот из Азии на рынки
Европы.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Это противоречит планам греческих
монополий, правительств и их партий по укреплению роли Греции как
транспортного и энергетического хаба.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">В более широком регионе Красного моря,
от входа в Персидский залив до восточных берегов Африки, наблюдается
чрезмерная концентрация военных сил со всех империалистических лагерей,
каждый из которых стремится защитить свои интересы от конкурентов.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">При участии страны в империалистических
планах и военных миссиях наш народ становится палачом других народов
региона, с которыми ему нечего делить, и одновременно жертвой
империалистических планов, направленных против НАТО.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Вот почему сегодня необходимо еще
решительнее связывать борьбу против военного вмешательства с борьбой
против планов буржуазии и политики партий, служащих ее прибыли и
интересам, против планов, толкающих народ на опасный путь.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Необходимо усилить течение, ставящее под
сомнение господствующую антинародную политику, которая не только лишает
народ куска хлеба, но и без колебаний может вновь превратить его в
пушечное мясо империалистической войны, поскольку конкуренция в мире и в
нашем регионе обостряется.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b>Перевод комментария, опубликованного в колонке</b> <a href="https://www.rizospastis.gr/story.do?id=12445440"><b>«Наше мнение»</b></a>, <b>в газете Ризоспастис – органе ЦК КПГ, от 5 марта 2024 года</b></span></p>
<hr />
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"> </span></p>
<p style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b>Misión militar para los intereses del capital griego</b></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Desde el pasado domingo (3/3), la fragata “Hydra” está navegando por las aguas del Mar Rojo.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Su participación en la misión naval
europea y euroatlántica confirma que la burguesía no duda en implicar al
pueblo en aventuras bélicas, incluso llevarlo a una guerra con el fin
de defender sus intereses y los intereses de sus aliados, EE.UU y la
OTAN.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Sus propios intereses se esconden detrás
del “interés nacional” que el gobierno y los demás partidos invocan
para justificar la misión.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Los demás partidos, especialmente SYRIZA
y PASOK, no han dicho nada con respecto a esta misión militar peligrosa
e inaceptable. ¿Qué podrían decir? ya que el despliegue de la fragata y
en total la implicación griega en la guerra es dictada por los
intereses de la burguesía, de EE.UU-OTAN-UE, a cuyos intereses sirven
todos con sus políticas.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">La misión en el Mar Rojo defiende los
intereses de los armadores griegos que controlan la mayor flota a escala
mundial con capacidad de transporte.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">El puerto del Pireo es la primera escala
europea para la mayoría de los buques comerciales que cruzan el Zanal
de Suez. Sin el canal, el puerto perderá su importancia como puerta de
entrada de Asia a los mercados de Europa.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Esto va en contra de los planes de los
monopolios griegos, sus gobiernos y sus partidos de convertir a Grecia
en un hub de transporte y energía.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">En la zona más amplia del Mar Rojo,
desde la entrada del Golfo Pérsico, hasta las costas orientales de
África, se observa una gran concentración de fuerzas militares de todos
los campos imperialistas, para que cada uno asegure sus propios
intereses frente a los intereses de sus antagonistas.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Con la participación del país en los
planes imperialistas y las misiones militares, nuestro pueblo se
convierte en agresor de otros pueblos de la región, con los que no
tienen nada que dividir entre sí, y al mismo tiempo en víctima de los
planes imperialistas rivales a la OTAN.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Por eso es necesario vincular aún más
decisivamente la lucha contra la implicación militar con la
confrontación de los planes de la burguesía y la política de los
partidos que sirven a sus ganancias e intereses, llevando al pueblo en
caminos peligrosos.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Es necesario reforzar la corriente de
cuestionamiento de la política antipopular dominante que está privando
al pueblo de los bienes de primera necesidad, y no dudará en convertirlo
nuevamente en carne para los cañones imperialistas, mientras se están
intensificando los antagonismos tanto a nivel mundial como en nuestra
región.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b>Artículo reproducido de la columna
“Nuestra Opinión” del diario Rizospastis, órgano del CC del KKE, el
martes 5 de marzo de 2024.</b></span></p><p style="text-align: right;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">inter.kke.gr<b> <br /></b></span></p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8285433957148191622.post-33554863701009375682024-03-04T23:04:00.001+02:002024-03-04T23:04:09.015+02:00Is There a Future for the Left? <p style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEilVewfoCMCUDoi9QR0ep_vtxGUGDCWCrc5GfKIiEO8MXnLdaxlH5UlSzVc_mly2Z69Z4-8oJbRouFimOR2-dgWU2KVpEyfQG6uTnsmAh_6zKyJq1ygM3pPBQLRrQCoz7mPo3C-9PRCv42iNZ3gsuMvfixLlR0p__ffDhuqTur03qsHKIGuzObckWIsFivB/s1413/sickle%20and%20hammer%20push%20the%20button.jpg" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="863" data-original-width="1413" height="294" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEilVewfoCMCUDoi9QR0ep_vtxGUGDCWCrc5GfKIiEO8MXnLdaxlH5UlSzVc_mly2Z69Z4-8oJbRouFimOR2-dgWU2KVpEyfQG6uTnsmAh_6zKyJq1ygM3pPBQLRrQCoz7mPo3C-9PRCv42iNZ3gsuMvfixLlR0p__ffDhuqTur03qsHKIGuzObckWIsFivB/w472-h294/sickle%20and%20hammer%20push%20the%20button.jpg" width="472" /></a></span></div><div style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">By <b>Greg Godels</b></span><br /></div><div><p></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><i></i></span></p><blockquote><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><i>"…the Left narrative, no matter how accurate and
intellectually powerful it may be, cannot expect to catch the
imagination of the citizenry without including a vision for a real
alternative future. Moreover, working-class institutions need to be
reinstituted for the enhancement of class consciousness and authentic
socialist parties need to be rediscovered for the Left narrative to
become politically effective. Social movements are important, but their
actions rarely have lasting effects. Only political parties can succeed
in forging the Left narrative into the policy agenda and turn it into a
programmatic plan for social change. </i></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><i><span></span></i></span></p><a name='more'></a><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><i>Understandably enough, this is
quite a tall order, but the Left needs to win once again the hearts and
minds of the laboring classes. But it needs the necessary political
agencies and cultural instruments to do so. It cannot accomplish it on
intellectual grounds alone, especially with the politics of identity
acting as a spearhead for social transformation… The Communist Manifesto
would have remained just a mere political document if it wasn’t for the
existence of radical political parties across the globe to embrace it
as their guide and vision for the emancipation of the working class from
the yoke of capital.</i><i> “</i>The Left has a Great Story to Share About Alternatives to Capitalism– But Sucks at Telling It,” <b>–</b> C.J. Polychroniou (<i>Common Dreams</i>)</span></div><p></p></blockquote><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Shorn of the academic jargon, Polychroniou’s conclusion to his <i>Common Dreams</i> <a href="https://www.commondreams.org/opinion/left-alternatives-to-capitalism" rel="nofollow noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">article</span></a> gets a lot right about the failings of the US and European left and the road back to relevance.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b>It is true that today the left’s unstated action model is a plethora of focused, but single-issue social movements.</b>
However, that model has enjoyed, at best, limited success in the US
since single-issue activism won big gains in the anti-Vietnam War and
Civil Rights era of the 1960s and 1970s. One of the movements
effectively complemented a bloody defeat of US Cold War aggression and
the other completed the formal constitutional promise of
full-citizenship rights for Blacks, women, and other minorities. But
substantial, larger, associated issues remain unresolved. US imperialism
continues unabated with ever-more casualties and injustices; the
inequalities suffered by oppressed groups remain intact, with a token
stratum of those groups allowed through the door of privilege, even to
elite status, but with most lagging far behind.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Social movements have focused on specific policies (NAFTA, tax
structure, minimum wage, healthcare, immigration reform), emerging
trends (globalization, “neoliberalism”), gross inequality (Occupy),
changes in governance (Arab Spring, police reform), environmental
degradation (fracking), or US foreign intervention among many other
identifiable wrongs, all of which burn brightly in the beginning, then
unfortunately just as quickly fade, as protest confronts the glacial,
fractured electoral system.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b>It is also true that most of the left operates and acts without any overarching program of reform or revolution.</b>
The majority of US leftists, for example, enthusiastically,
reluctantly, or by default rely upon the Democratic Party and electoral
politics to drive broad, systemic change. They may hope that their
issues will be embraced by the party’s policy makers, they may struggle
with the party’s entrenched leaders for a suitable program, or they may
simply defer to the Democrats out of desperation. DSA, a self-described
‘democratic’ socialist party, is very far from cutting the umbilical
cord with the Democrats. While the Green Party expends impressive effort
to achieve ballot status, it brings a hodge-podge of candidates to the
ballot, seldom aligned with any kind of common program or larger goal.
And the small Marxist parties have failed to impact the labor movement
or pressure reform movements from the left, as last did the US Communist
Party of Gus Hall’s era when anti-Communist repression was far more
intense than today and the word “socialism” was then a term of abuse.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b>But it is not just a program that is missing, but a <i>vision</i> as well.</b><b> ‘</b>Anti-capitalism’
is not a vision, but a defiance; it expresses hostility and resistance,
but not rejection. It gives us no alternative to capitalism. Most of
the US left counts itself as anti-capitalist, but one can only guess at
what that might mean.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Some are more specific: they are anti-neoliberal capitalism,
anti-disaster capitalism, anti-racial capitalism, or perhaps
anti-monopoly capitalism. But, by implication, are they for some other
kind of capitalism? Do they pine for the era before neoliberalism? Do
they imagine capitalism without racism? Do they wish to turn the clock
back to the stage before monopoly capitalism? An imagined time when
capitalism did not spawn disasters?</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">These are not political visions, they’re mere fantasies!</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The dominant alternative vision to capitalism until the collapse of
real-existing-socialism in the late-twentieth century was Marxist
socialism. From the rise of mass socialist parties in the final decades
of the nineteenth century, the vision sketched by Marx and his followers
dominated the hopes of ‘anti-capitalist’ working people. Whatever else
the early Marxist militants meant by socialism, they agreed that
socialism should end the exploitation of workers by capitalists; they
envisioned ending capitalism once and for all and not merely managing it
or buffering its worse aspects.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">With the birth of real-existing-socialism, creating, shaping, and
developing the vision proved to be a lengthy, often messy process, as
though serious onlookers would expect it to be otherwise. Previously
rare or unheard-of levels of economic, cultural, and human growth were
achieved. Enormous sacrifices were made. And internal and external
enemies were met.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Some leaders rose to meet challenges, some failed to do so. Mistakes
were plentiful, as were acts of unparalleled heroism. The costs of
change and of development were enormous, as any thoughtful observer
would expect. Ultimately, those living in the lands where socialism was
won, no matter how briefly or for how long, must weigh the sacrifices
against the gains made, and discount the judgment of smug, well-situated
foreign critics.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Ironically, Polychroniou, who correctly steers the left away from
aimlessly drifting in the political maelstrom of left-wing faddism and
unmoored posturing, paints a picture of real-existing-socialism so
without merit or achievement as to turn anyone away from the socialist
alternative. Polychroniou, like his sometime collaborator, Noam Chomsky,
often shows an impressive critical eye toward the failings of the
capitalist system and of imperialism, but follows unfailingly the
conventional, stereotypic Cold War demonization of
real-existing-socialism; he cannot even credit twentieth-century
socialism with being ‘real,’ calling it “actually-existing-socialism.”
Like Chomsky, Polychroniou mistrusts the mainstream media at every turn,
recognizing its obedience to the ruling class, but accepts everything
it sells about the ruling class’s arch-enemy: the
real-existing-socialism of the last century.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">As a result, Polychroniou’s often perceptive comments are diminished,
lost before disdain for a project that he believes has proven, in
reality, to be an unmitigated disaster. According to Polychroniou,
“actually existing socialism” was “undemocratic,” undermining its
“social, cultural, and economic achievements…” “Workers had <i>no</i> say in economic decisions… [T]he rulers possessed no wealth and had no private property of their own but made <i>all</i> of the decisions for the rest of society. The USSR was at best a ‘deformed workers’ state’.” <i>[my emphasis]</i></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Polychroniou sees this ‘deformation’ as a huge impediment to the
achievement of socialism. Consequently, he is surprised that its
disappearance did not bring on a flowering– a revival– of interest and
commitment to socialism. “Instead of feeling liberated by the collapse
of ‘actually existing socialism’ the western Left felt a loss of
identity and entered a long period of intellectual confusion and
political paralysis.” In other words, the Western Left suffered malaise,
lost its bearings, and floundered at a time when Polychroniou thought
his “real” socialism was within reach.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Surely this bizarre psychologistic explanation of the failure of a
Left unburdened by the legacy of Communism is as unsatisfying as
Polychroniou’s comic strip characterization of over 70 years of
real-existing-socialism. As he concedes, the so-called Western Left
found its opportunity to fulfill its promise of a different alternative.
But the promise collapsed before it got started, degenerating into
scholastic quarrels over truth, identity, and forms of governance.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b>Still Polychroniou recognizes the urgent need for a Left political
party — a united organization of those committed to a common road to
social change– to serve as the vehicle for a program and a vision.</b>
In his words, “[The] Left needs to win once again the hearts and minds
of the laboring classes.” In his judgment, systemic change must be
realized through the political party. However, he surely knows that the
idea that radical political ideas can be realized through centrist
parties has long been discredited, though far too many radical
organizers continue to pursue that dead end in the US and Europe.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">It must be acknowledged that the popular idea that a Left political
party can be constituted by addition, simply bringing all the various
social movements together, is equally flawed, relying on the magical
thinking that ideological proximity or contiguity is the same thing as
the organic unity necessary for party-building.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Similarly, the seductive idea that a political party can be
constructed around the mere fact that it is new and different from the
failed, bankrupt center-left parties of Europe and the US has been
proven wrong by the corruption or decline of Europe’s new wave. From the
German Greens to Spain’s Podemos, Italy’s Five Star, or Greece’s
SYRIZA, the promise of a shiny new toy filling the political vacuum left
by a dying center-left is broken. Without a distinctive vision, without
a concrete program, with only a pledge for more “democracy,” all of the
new wave disappointed its idealistic followers, leaving many disgusted
and disenchanted with political action.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">To his credit Polychroniou is critical of this trend. In a September, 2023 article <i><a href="https://www.commondreams.org/opinion/stefanos-kasselakis-syriza" rel="nofollow noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;"><b>(</b>Endgame for Syriza, The Unbearable Lightness of the Greek Left</span></a>)</i> in <i>Common Dreams</i>,
he chronicles the rise and fall of Greece’s SYRIZA party, a new-wave,
self-styled radical party that actually grasped the brass ring of
political power in 2015, but soon capitulated to capital without a
fight. Since SYRIZA’s fall from its former heights, Polychroniou ponders
its future.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">“The answer to that mystery,” he says, “was revealed during the
leadership election that was held just this past Sunday [September 24,
2023] when party members elected a gay, liberal, former <a href="https://www.commondreams.org/tag/goldman-sachs" rel="nofollow noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">Goldman Sachs</span></a>
trader, shipping investor, and political neophyte Stefanos Kasselakis
to head the once radical left-wing Syriza party.” The once “radical”
SYRIZA has devolved into a nondescript liberal party of the
center/center right (as has the German Greens).</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">But he concludes his insightful essay on SYRIZA’s rapid decline with
this bizarre note: “Under Kasselakis, Syriza will cease having affinity
to leftist politics in any form or shape, which means that <b>Greece
will now be left with a Leninist-Stalinist Communist Party as the only
large-scale organized political force fighting for the interest of the
working class.”</b> <i>[my emphasis]</i></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Is the idea of the KKE– the Greek Marxist-Leninist party to which he dismissively refers– <i>“fighting for the interest of the working class”</i>
so distasteful to Polychroniou as to rule it out-of-hand? Would Greek
working people be better off if the KKE were not fighting for their
interests? Is the fourth largest political party in Greece declared
“untouchable” by Polychroniou? Is he apologizing because Greece has a
committed fighter for the interests of its working class?</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Polychroniou’s dismissal comes with no logic and no evidence. It is
simply the deeply entrenched, unexamined anti-Communism that he shares
with so many middle-strata, academic and intellectual leftists of his
and past generations. Despite KKE’s long history of contesting
capitalism and imperialism, its unwavering, heroic resistance to
fascism, and its persistent promotion of a Greek society free of
exploitation, Polychroniou and others of his ilk can find no
circumstances in which they could even conditionally support “the only
large-scale organized political force fighting for the interest of the
working class” in Greece.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b>Surely, this is the epitome of blind, foolish, and counterproductive anti-Communism.</b></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">It is ironic that the KKE pointed out– long before 2015 and
Polychroniou– that SYRIZA would not and could not answer the challenges
facing Greece in the throes of crisis. At the time, intellectuals like
Polychroniou, dismissed KKE’s assessment and charged it with
sectarianism for refusing to join in coalition with the now admittedly
discredited SYRIZA.</span></p>
<p align="center"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: large;"><b>*****</b></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">It is a good thing that Polychroniou and others are reexamining the
tactics and strategies of the European and US Left in the twenty-first
century. It is hard to reconcile the occurrence of economic catastrophes
unseen since the Great Depression, numerous tragic and bloody wars of
aggression and domination, and social and political crises with the lack
of significant social change or revolution over the last
quarter-century. The title of Vincent Bevins’s recent book, <i>If We Burn: The Mass Protest Decade and the Missing Revolution</i>,
captures the dilemma well. Arguably more people have been motivated to
protest existing conditions than ever before, but no revolutionary
change has ensued. Why?</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The question, or one very much like it, is taken up by Anton Jäger and Arthur Borriello in their recent book, <i>The Populist Moment: The Left After the Great Recession</i>. Both books are the subject of a critical review in the 8 February 2024 issue of <i>The London Review of Books </i>(<i>A Circular Motion</i>, James Butler).</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Certainly, the failure of the Left and the current numerous fractures
on the Left deserve serious retrospection and assessment. The way
forward could well come from such study. <b>But it will falter if poisoned from the onset with thoughtless anti-Communism.</b>
It will be prone to the same limiting calls to individualism, to
identity, and the vacuous, vague, but always heralded cry for more
“democracy.” A challenge to capitalism will require more than
virtue-signaling.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Surely, the lessons of a century of social upheaval, confrontation,
and revolution animated by working-class organizations cannot be
cavalierly dismissed. The role of Communists and Communist Parties was
decisive in colossal social change in the twentieth century. Could they
be decisive again?</span></p><p style="text-align: right;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://zzs-blg.blogspot.com/2024/02/is-there-future-for-left.html"><span style="color: #cc0000;">zzs-blg.blogspot.com</span></a> <br /></span></p></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8285433957148191622.post-8081694262390924252024-03-03T18:26:00.003+02:002024-03-03T18:26:40.406+02:00Communist Party of Sweden to participate in European Elections, presents list of candidates<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgmEDZoLcv2KimvipcJ-60VqOLwLL0YQlUomh4q9Mf65MHvAGQLA8_9McyYCAnU0fhPPeQ_Bqcp9FpbJNbTf9BJVxTdfkyWPfghluvjjviOvEDq8FI9nu7tcYVE1LeNFFDgles7ip6OR24sXaNdquFOweEaNe3sjvfbvoJhtRq34hpenO4yE9OgxtbtRdhJ/s1211/skp%20eu%20elections%202024.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="771" data-original-width="1211" height="264" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgmEDZoLcv2KimvipcJ-60VqOLwLL0YQlUomh4q9Mf65MHvAGQLA8_9McyYCAnU0fhPPeQ_Bqcp9FpbJNbTf9BJVxTdfkyWPfghluvjjviOvEDq8FI9nu7tcYVE1LeNFFDgles7ip6OR24sXaNdquFOweEaNe3sjvfbvoJhtRq34hpenO4yE9OgxtbtRdhJ/w429-h264/skp%20eu%20elections%202024.jpg" width="429" /></a></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">In order to strengthen the Party even further and bring forward the communist alternative, the <b><a href="http://www.idcommunism.com/search/label/Communist%20Party%20of%20Sweden" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">Communist Party of Sweden</span></a></b> (SKP) has decided to stand in June's European Parliament elections with its own ballot. </span><br /><br /><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">As <a href="https://riktpunkt.nu/2024/03/kommunisterna-presenterar-sin-valsedel/" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">SKP's Riktpunkt portal reports</span></a>, “for the second time in the history of Sweden there is a revolutionary alternative in the European Parliament elections”, thus giving to the country's working people the opportunity to vote something different other than the system's parties. </span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"> </span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><span><a name='more'></a></span> </span><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">“Voting for communists consists a much stronger position than sitting at home on election day, or voting one of the many system's parties”, says SKP Chairman Andreas Sörensen. Andreas himself isn't a candidate, but SKP's ballot is led by Martin Tairi, an environment engineer who also heads the Young Communist League of Sweden (SKU). </span><br /><br /><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Second in SKP's ballot is Winnie Lykke, a preschool teacher with an experience in the communist movement both in Sweden and Denmark. “For me, it is important that we fight together for a dignified life, with freedom and equality, free from the EU, NATO and all other imperialist alliances”, Lykke underlines. </span><br /><br /><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Karl Gunnarsson, the SKP's international secretary and a truck driver by profession, is in the third place of the ballot. “We want to Sweden to leave the EU. The alternative to all imperialist alliances is to organize a society where the private ownership of large companies will be replaced by the power of the people”, he stresses out. </span><br /><br /><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">In the upcoming months, the Party will publish an electoral manifesto, as well as a website especially for June elections' campaign. You can read the ballot list of the SKP, as well as all relevant news and commentary, in <a href="http://riktpunkt.nu"><span style="color: #cc0000;">riktpunkt.nu</span></a>.</span></div><p></p><div style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span><span><span><b> </b><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><span><span><span><span><span><span><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><span><span><span><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span style="font-family: Work Sans;"><b><span face="Verdana, sans-serif"><a href="http://www.idcommunism.com/" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">IN DEFENSE OF COMMUNISM</span></a> </span></b><span face="Verdana, sans-serif"><span style="background-color: white;">©</span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span><span><span style="font-family: Raleway;"> </span></span></span></span><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><br /></span></span></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8285433957148191622.post-13555481361805886942024-03-03T11:30:00.002+02:002024-03-03T11:30:41.585+02:00European Communist Action Conference: We intensify the struggle for women's emancipation, against the EU and the system of capitalist exploitation and imperialist wars<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="http://www.idcommunism.com/search/label/European%20Communist%20Action" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;"></span></a></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiPyFeOX_KwQbtY16EgL02rG67Nx-oEA342QY0cWcjPL8D_XwXs3u6tqk9WxchQQ_49gwdKIPgVelkYktSQxJf2lBqf8j1CjSUGtUeG5j9FtzG339HFxAgDI5jPqnPLhkrF1O3AVET9aD40QT4BxkDaru4RjReqbdX9vqm86xzzjaP8-V_HaW67gNZXdxLY/s850/Women%20ECA.jpg" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="486" data-original-width="850" height="253" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiPyFeOX_KwQbtY16EgL02rG67Nx-oEA342QY0cWcjPL8D_XwXs3u6tqk9WxchQQ_49gwdKIPgVelkYktSQxJf2lBqf8j1CjSUGtUeG5j9FtzG339HFxAgDI5jPqnPLhkrF1O3AVET9aD40QT4BxkDaru4RjReqbdX9vqm86xzzjaP8-V_HaW67gNZXdxLY/w433-h253/Women%20ECA.jpg" width="433" /></a></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The <a href="http://www.idcommunism.com/search/label/European%20Communist%20Action" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;"><b>European Communist Action</b></span></a> (ECA) held a conference titled <b>"We intensify the struggle for women's emancipation, against the EU and the system of capitalist exploitation and imperialist wars"</b> on the occasion of <a href="http://www.idcommunism.com/search/label/International%20Women%27s%20Day" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">International Women's Day</span></a> (March 8). You can find below the contributions of 11 Communist Parties on the issue:</span><br /></div><p style="text-align: justify;"></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The Opening Speech of the <a href="http://www.idcommunism.com/search/label/KKE" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">Communist Party of Greece</span></a> (KKE): </span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span></span><span></span></p><a name='more'></a><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">"On the occasion of this teleconference, let us first of all express
our solidarity with the people, the women and the children of Palestine,
who have been facing for months now the aggression of the murderous
state Israel, with the backing of the USA, NATO and the EU as well as
with the active participation of Greece in the imperialist carnage. The
people of Israel and the peoples of the Middle East are also victims,
experiencing the consequences of the plans of the bourgeoisie of Israel
and its allies, while the fuse of the escalation of the imperialist
conflict has already been lit. The KKE, together with its forces in the
workers' and people's movement, in the Federation of Women of Greece
(OGE), have taken diverse actions to strengthen popular solidarity with
all peoples experiencing the consequences of the imperialist war and
also to stop the involvement of Greece in the Euro-Atlantic plans.</span></span></div><p></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">Today's teleconference also provides an occasion to express our
solidarity with the struggle of the toiling farmers, who are mobilizing
in Greece and in many other European countries. They have risen up
against the EU's Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) and the “green”
transition that is destroying them.</span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">Our discussion today is taking place at a time when the EU and the
governments of the Member States are intensifying the attack on the
working class and the people. The working-class women and women of
popular strata are confronted with exploitation in the workplace and
with the commercialization of health, education, welfare, as they are
counted as a cost for capital. At the same time, the business giants
enjoy new packages of funding, privileges and tax breaks based on the
criterion of capitalist profitability and competitiveness, as is the
case with the EU Recovery Fund.</span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">It is important that the action of our parties during this period
should have a more specific content and form when addressing the women
we are interested in socially and class-wise, so that it will also have
an impact on women’s voting criteria ahead of the European elections.</span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">We take into account that the attempt to draw false dividing lines
between ‘progressive’ and ‘conservative’ bourgeois political forces,
between ‘democratic’ and ‘extreme right-wing’ parties, will intensify.
All this is exploited to conceal today’s reactionary turn and decay of
capitalism, to constrain the thinking of women and the youth in
particular.</span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">A response can be given by the CP’s conception of women’s
emancipation that is opposed to obscurantist, nationalist views about
the institution of family and the anachronistic social roles of men and
women, which are reproduced by extreme right-wing forces. Our positions
on equal relations between the sexes are also in opposition to
irrational views that go so far as to deny the objective social reality,
the distinction between the sexes according to their historically
formed social characteristics, which do not negate the biological sex.</span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">These are different sides of the same coin, which try to hide the
fact that in the framework of class division and social discrimination,
the bourgeois state, the bourgeois power —no matter the government—
neither wants nor can ensure universal social rights. Bourgeois law,
like the law of previous exploitative societies, is unequal.</span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">The core of women’s inequality remains because capital has an
interest in exploiting discrimination against women to intensify
capitalist exploitation.</span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">More specifically, the EU and the bourgeois governments of the Member
States aim to increase the employment rate for men and women. They
estimate that the reduced participation of women compared to men in wage
labour ‘costs’ the capitalist economies more than EUR 370 billion a
year. In other words, it reflects the objective fact that the wage
labour power of women and men is the source of surplus value, of profit.
Increasing women’s participation in social work is seen as a
prerequisite for improving the profitability of the European monopolies
in their competition with those of the USA, China, Japan etc.</span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">The specific direction to integrate more women mainly in wage labour
is being implemented albeit with contradictions. It does not negate the
high rates of female unemployment and underemployment. It is influenced
by the conditions of capitalist reproduction, the unevenness in
capitalist development in each country and among bourgeois states.</span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">On this basis, the bourgeois institutions elaborate and promote a set
of measures on the “reconciliation of work and family life” to manage
the consequences of the expansion of women's wage labour and the lack of
support for motherhood, for the family.</span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">A key aspect of this attack by capital on all the capitalist states
as a long-standing direction of the EU is full flexibility of daily and
weekly working time. Flexibility even applies to the workplace, for
example in the form of teleworking.</span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">The aim is the intensification of work, as they make the boundaries
between working and non-working time blurred. All of the above affects
the level of women’s wages and pensions.</span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">Nowadays, the current guidelines and political practices of bourgeois
governments include a set of measures aimed at sharing the time spent
away from work due to family responsibilities between the two sexes.</span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">The real motive is the need of the monopolies to increase and attract
labour force of both sexes with expertise. For example, in the face of
the lack of effective social support for young women to have children at
the most fertile age, the business giants present the cryopreservation
of eggs or the prospect of ectogenesis as a solution to keep women at
work in their productive age and intensify their exploitation. Today,
capitalist power uses new scientific and technological achievements, not
to improve working and living conditions, but in a reactionary and
anti-social direction in order to enhance capitalist profitability, in
the context of the automation and digitalization of the capitalist
economy.</span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">In a similar direction are the EU and governmental measures for sex
equality, which have abolished measures to protect the female body in
the workplace, e.g. the ban on night shifts for women in industry. The
motive behind these measures was to benefit capitalist enterprises. The
deterioration of measures to protect maternity in the workplace is
related to the fact that they are counted as a cost for the state and
capitalist employers. In essence, ‘equality’ means levelling down the
rights of both women and men.</span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">Dear comrades,</span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">The development of capitalism in its imperialist stage, the
domination of the monopolies, the sharpening of capitalist competition
and the intensification of capitalist exploitation to unprecedented
levels have raised new questions on the conditions of reproduction and
the upbringing of the new shift of the working class.</span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">The creation of suitable conditions for the more effective
exploitation of workers led the bourgeois state, especially in the
mid-20<sup>th</sup> century, to assume an important role in the
upbringing, education and technical training of children and
adolescents, focusing on producing - providing knowledge and imposing
the dominant bourgeois ideology. School became compulsory and child
labour was restricted.</span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">In this regard, bourgeois governments all over the EU and in Greece
are promoting measures for the care of preschool-age children and
elderly people, adapted to the irregular hours of parents. On the other
hand, in recent decades in capitalist society, where everything is
bought and sold in order to further develop the profitability of
capital, we witness the commercialization of education, health, social
security and care services, while state responsibility is reduced,
amongst others, by increasing the burden on working-class women and
women of popular strata.</span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">These adjustments take place through contradictions and retreats,
with the criterion of not preventing the expanded reproduction of social
capital.</span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">This is why bourgeois governments adapt their policies in relation to
the family according to the needs of the state, the phase of the
capitalist economic cycle, the scale of migration, etc.</span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">For example, the complex demographic challenge and the improvement of
birth rates in Greece and other capitalist countries is of concern to
the bourgeois staffs, not from the point of view of the needs of women
and men who want to procreate, but from the point of view of the
reproduction of the nation-state, i.e. in capitalist terms.</span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">Any bourgeois modernizations cannot resolve the contradictions,
including those in relation to the social position of women and their
social rights. In some cases we also witness a retreat, as confirmed
for example by the bans on women’s right to abortion in the USA and
elsewhere.</span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">Anachronistic, patriarchal concepts and practices are still being
reproduced today. In the decayed capitalist arena, the values of
individualism, competition and selfish thinking affect all human
relations —including interpersonal ones. They dominate the whole of
society because the shackles of economic and social constraints remain.
Because the formation of social perception of a phenomenon is determined
by the mechanisms of ideological and political manipulation, which are
in the hands of the dominant–exploitative class.</span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">This is the ground on which the theories that present patriarchy as
the main and primary cause of social discrimination against women are
also reproduced in Greece.</span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">Patriarchy is presented as an independent system, detached from the
exploitative relations of production and distribution. As they claim,
the cause of discrimination against women is the dominance of men in the
bodies of bourgeois power and in the bodies of stock-capitalist
companies, concealing their exploitative character.</span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">Such theories and political practices distract new forms of women’s
inequality from their class roots. They try to conceal the fact that the
survival of capitalism is also based on the incorporation of
pre-capitalist reactionary concepts, even if these concepts do not fit
in with the iron laws of the capitalist organization of the economy and
society.</span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">For example, the developments with the mass participation of women in
social production, even in sectors that were considered to be
male-dominated, were belatedly expressed in changes in family law, in
attitudes concerning the social status of women and men.</span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">We are living in a period when the fluidity of the reactionary turn
of the class exploitative society dominates and is reflected in
relations between the two sexes. Traditional social perceptions,
attitudes about the social roles of the sexes and the relations between
them are changing to a considerable extent. That is to say, there is a
questioning of the traditional social role of women as good wives who
take care of children, and the traditional social role of men, who were
only seen as the family’s financial providers. In this context, new
confrontations arise within the family, which remains obliged to
reproduce the labour power that capital will need in the future by its
own means.</span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">All manifestations of social life are subordinated on the altar of
capitalist profit. Parental relationship, human procreation, as in the
process of surrogacy, and even sexuality are commercialized, bringing
huge profits to companies, states, criminal circles, either legally or
illegaly.</span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><b style="font-family: Raleway;">On the Party's understanding of the place of women in society</b></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">The basis for the abolition of unequal relations between men and
women is the participation of women in social work. And the condition
for women’s social emancipation is the overthrow of exploitative
relations in production and distribution.</span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">Only through the abolition of private ownership of the means of
production, the revolutionary overthrow of capitalism, the establishment
of social ownership of the concentrated means of production is the path
paved for:</span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">- The universal participation of women in work and in the bodies of revolutionary workers’ power;</span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">- Equality between the sexes, in their interpersonal relations, in the relations between parents and children.</span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">Only revolutionary workers’ power forms the solid basis for rooting
out anachronistic concepts that survive from the past. The workers’
state can establish the new revolutionary content of the relations
between the individual and the society on an equal basis.</span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">This will be achieved:</span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">- Through the new content of the educational, ideological, cultural intervention of the socialist–communist society;</span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">- Through the creative content of individual contribution to social work.</span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">This is also reflected in our Party’s elaborations on sex equality,
on the position of women in socialist–communist society, drawing on the
experience of the course of socialist construction in the 20<sup>th</sup> century.</span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">With this content, our Party struggles for the increased
participation of the people and particularly the working-class women in
the class, political struggle, in the Communist Party and the Communist
Youth, in their promotion in the organs of the Party and the labour –
trade union movement. In this direction, our action in the radical
women’s movement in Greece, in the Federation of Women of Greece (OGE),
plays a crucial role.</span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">As our slogan states: We intensify the struggle for women's
emancipation, against the EU and the system of capitalist exploitation
and imperialist wars.</span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">We draw experience from Lenin’s words, as this year marks the centenary of his death:</span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><i>“</i><i>The whole of social life is now being militarized (...) How will proletarian women oppose this? They will say to their sons: </i></span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><i style="font-family: Raleway;">‘You will soon be grown up. You will be given a gun. Take it and
learn the military art properly. The proletarians need this knowledge
not to shoot your brothers, the workers of other countries, as is being
done in the present war, and as the traitors to socialism are telling
you to do. They need it to fight the bourgeoisie of their own country,
to put an end to exploitation, poverty and war, and not by pious wishes,
but by defeating and disarming the bourgeoisie.”</i></span></p>
<ol style="text-align: justify;"><li><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">I. Lenin, The “Disarmament” Slogan, Collective Works, Volume 30, pp. 154-156</span></span></li></ol><p style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b> </b></span></p><p style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: large;"><b>Contributions by ECA Parties <u><br /></u></b></span></p><p style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b><a href="http://www.eurcomact.org/m-article/Contribution-of-the-Party-of-Labour-of-Austria-00001/" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">Contribution of the Party of Labour of Austria</span></a></b></span></p><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b><br /><a href="http://www.eurcomact.org/m-article/Contribution-of-the-Communist-Workers-Party-for-Peace-and-Socialism-Finland-00001/" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">Contribution of the Communist Workers Party for Peace and Socialism Finland</span></a><br /><br /><a href="http://www.eurcomact.org/m-article/Contribution-of-Communist-Revolutionary-Party-of-France-00002/" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">Contribution of Communist Revolutionary Party of France</span></a><br /><br /><a href="http://www.eurcomact.org/m-article/Contribution-of-Workers-Party-of-Ireland-00002/" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">Contribution of Workers Party of Ireland</span></a><br /><br /><a href="http://www.eurcomact.org/m-article/Contribution-of-Communist-Front-Italy-00002/" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">Contribution of Communist Front (Italy)</span></a><br /><br /><a href="http://www.eurcomact.org/m-article/Contribution-of-Communist-Party-of-Turkey-00001/" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">Contribution of Communist Party of Turkey</span><br /></a><br /><a href="http://www.eurcomact.org/m-article/Contribution-of-Swiss-Communist-Party-00002/" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">Contribution of Swiss Communist Party</span></a><br /><br /><a href="http://www.eurcomact.org/m-article/Contribution-of-the-Communist-Party-of-Sweden-00001/" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">Contribution of the Communist Party of Sweden</span></a><br /><a href="http://www.eurcomact.org/m-article/Contribution-of-Communist-Party-of-the-Workers-of-Spain-00002/" target="_blank"><br /><span style="color: #cc0000;">Contribution of Communist Party of the Workers of Spain</span></a><br /><br /><a href="http://www.eurcomact.org/m-article/Contribution-of-New-Communist-Party-of-the-Netherlands-00002/" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">Contribution of New Communist Party of the Netherlands</span></a></b></span><br /><p></p><p style="text-align: justify;"></p><p></p><p style="text-align: justify;"></p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8285433957148191622.post-49849762412748983282024-03-01T12:50:00.003+02:002024-03-01T13:03:33.316+02:0010 years since the Euromaidan in Ukraine: Revolution or foreign-backed Coup?<p style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;"></span></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjAnbYyMiwiQJcuuwNLiw_xZUvOs49oDswS8vH5fPiweczpq5LrIliEti09xEqEBMzXT8NvDbQDDuykNB-U3WB2Wg-xjTCoNERptGvOGppn56j5HHqmHQkoVuVyoEtA5F38JwD3myO7gMZFlpOB53xh9U9DYO-CH1pJ0CUQX63HJO57UbwKB7bJ7QSIbcm6/s1200/euromaidan%202014.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="675" data-original-width="1200" height="293" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjAnbYyMiwiQJcuuwNLiw_xZUvOs49oDswS8vH5fPiweczpq5LrIliEti09xEqEBMzXT8NvDbQDDuykNB-U3WB2Wg-xjTCoNERptGvOGppn56j5HHqmHQkoVuVyoEtA5F38JwD3myO7gMZFlpOB53xh9U9DYO-CH1pJ0CUQX63HJO57UbwKB7bJ7QSIbcm6/w463-h293/euromaidan%202014.jpg" width="463" /></a></span></span></div><div style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">By <b>Nikos Mottas</b></span></span><br /></div><div><p></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">This February marked the <b>tenth anniversary</b> since the so-called <b>“Euromaidan” </b>events in <a href="http://www.idcommunism.com/search/label/Ukraine" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">Ukraine</span></a> and the subsequent coup d' etat which, <b>backed by the US and the EU,</b> led to the overthrow of the then pro-Russian President <b>Viktor Yanukovych</b>. </span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">Apart from the rise of <b>far-right</b>, r<b>eactionary</b> forces in Ukraine's political leadership, the 2014 coup became the starting point for the <b>2022 Russian military invasion</b> and the <b><a href="http://www.idcommunism.com/search/label/Ukraine%20War" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">ongoing imperialist war</span></a>. </b></span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><b><span></span></b></span></span></p><a name='more'></a><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">The Euro-Atlantic forces have since tried to present the 2014 events in Ukraine as a <b>“democratic revolution” </b>against Yanukovich government. Officially the then events are called as <b>"Revolution of Dignity"</b>. However all facts point that Euromaidan was nothing but <b>a flagrant intervention</b> of the US, NATO and EU in Ukraine's internal affairs, as a part of their broader inter-imperialist competition with capitalist Russia. This intervention was <b>the spark that ignited a chain of events</b> that led to the <b>annexation of Crimea </b>in March 2014 and the so-called “Special Military Operation” in February 2022.</span></span></div><p></p><p style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><b>The background and the coup</b><br /></span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><b>Socialist Ukraine</b>, formally the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, <b>ceased to exist </b>on 26 December 1991. Since then, the emerging bourgeoisie, made up by capitalists, neo-oligarchs and various counterrevolutionaries, was divided into two major sections: <b>One part</b> linked its interests with the <b>Euro-Atlantic bloc</b> while <b>another one</b> decided to side with <b>capitalist Russia. </b><br /><br />This intra-bourgeois competition, which escalated through the<b> 1990s</b> and <b>2000s</b>, reached a peak in <b>November 2013</b> when pro-Moscow President Viktor Yanukovych <b>withdrew</b> from signing the <b>association agreement with the EU</b> and instead accepted a trade and bailout deal with Russia. Back then, the pro-western opposition political forces, led by former Prime Minister <b>Yulia Tymoshenko</b> - who had been prosecuted for corruption, bribery and misuse of public finances – reacted fiercely demanding the immediate resignation of the President. <br /><br />The situation was an <b>ideal opportunity</b> for the EU and the US to interfere more actively in Ukraine's internal affairs in order to serve their own geo-strategic interests in the region. The Euro-Atlantic intervention followed the known pattern of the so-called <b>“Colour Revolutions”</b> and the <b>“Arab Spring”,</b> covered behind <b>supposedly “spontaneous”</b>, but in fact <b>very well elaborated</b>, protests which subsequently turned violent. The center of these protests was Maidan Nezalezhnosti, Kyiv's Independence Square. </span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">Euromaidan protests became the stage of activity for <b>fascist</b> and <b>neo-Nazi groups </b>(e.g “Right Sector”, “Ukrainian National Assembly”, “Congress of Ukrainian Nationalists”, Banderites, etc) and was <b>openly endorsed</b> by NATO and EU member-states' embassies. US Assistant Secretary of State <b>Victoria Nuland</b> and US Ambassador in Kyiv <b>Geoffrey Pyatt</b> played a key role in supporting the Euromaidan coup on behalf of the Obama administration. The desire of the US government to have full and unchallenged control of the situation created by Euromaidan was perfectly captured in Nuland's words during a phone conversation with Pyatt: <b>“You know, fuck the EU”. </b><br /></span></span></p><table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right; margin-left: 1em; text-align: right;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhHPbSzzzfuZpZgPfD67yKGa9GW8zgkMuQZSNSP0ZAEwsKH6mhiDOV-3-EVSPIuPL4OzTeXlaiHNpBiToDK7BLNJmH1YxdPYIqDGR9kqoOE_cCKtu6MBB83j2bbM6dvdALLFYsUq-639tL3-dGZPYrR7sdKiyFmwlr5DjQ1KfL-LCZxibhkFCrv-Yn7SKxJ/s800/fascists%20ukraine.jpg" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="532" data-original-width="800" height="295" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhHPbSzzzfuZpZgPfD67yKGa9GW8zgkMuQZSNSP0ZAEwsKH6mhiDOV-3-EVSPIuPL4OzTeXlaiHNpBiToDK7BLNJmH1YxdPYIqDGR9kqoOE_cCKtu6MBB83j2bbM6dvdALLFYsUq-639tL3-dGZPYrR7sdKiyFmwlr5DjQ1KfL-LCZxibhkFCrv-Yn7SKxJ/w444-h295/fascists%20ukraine.jpg" width="444" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Red Hat Display;">Fascist groups in the streets of Kyiv</span><br /></td></tr></tbody></table><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">On <b>21 February 2024</b>, following days of violent clashes, over 100 deaths and the mediation of European governments, mainly <b>France</b> and <b>Germany</b>, Yanukovych government and the leaders of the opposition <b>signed an agreement</b> which, among others, promised return to the 2004 constitution, early elections and withdrawal of security forces from the center of Kyiv. The negotiation process as well as the agreement were <b>closely witnessed</b> by the Russian government as well. Nonetheless, things didn't go as President Yanukovych expected. <b>He was overthrown</b> while he was on a planned trip to Eastern Ukraine and the new temporary coup government under Prime Minister <b>Arseniy Yatsenyuk</b> was immediately recognized by the EU and the US. </span></span><br /><br /><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">Yanukovych found refuge in Russia and, at the same time, <b>pro-Russian protests </b>erupted across Ukraine, especially in the south and eastern parts of the country, including <b>Crimea</b>. Armed fascist and nationalist paramilitary gangs undertook the responsibility to suppress the riots by unleashing <b>a wave of violence</b> against the pro-Russian population. Within their terrorist activity, on <b>2 May 2014</b> Ukrainian fascists committed a <b>horrendous crime in Odessa</b>, burning alive <b>more than 100 protesters</b> in the Trade Unions House. </span></span><br /></div></div><div><p></p><p style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><b>The Minsk agreements </b><br /></span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">Despite the <b>orgy of violence</b> and <b>terrorism</b> exercised by <b>Ukrainian fascist paramilitaries</b>, the Russian-speaking population in Crimea and the eastern provinces of Donetsk and Lugansk (that is <b>the majority of the people</b> in the Donbass region) <b>refused to accept</b> the new coup government formed in Kyiv. Under the <b>pretext</b> of protecting the Russian-speaking population from an imminent extermination, <b>Russia invaded</b> the Crimean Peninsula and then annexed it. At the same time, following weeks of clashes with Ukrainian state and paramilitary forces, pro-Russian separatists in Donbass proclaimed the <b>Donetsk People's Republic</b> and the <b>Lugansk People's Republic</b> as “independent states”. <br /><br />In order to avoid any further escalation in Donbass, France, Germany and Belarus initiated a round of negotiations which led to the signing of the so-called <b>Minsk Agreements</b>, the first on 5 September 2014 and the second on 12 February 2015. The agreements consisted of a package of measures, including <b>ceasefire, withdrawal of heavy weapons, release of prisoners of war</b> and <b>constitutional reform</b> in Ukraine granting <b>self-government</b> – not independence though - to specific areas of Donbass. </span></span></p><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: left; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjCo2aW6MIQdBnJM6tfoBpIemuDX8fxj7BkcHSMtAje-COu0vFEb-EA4sLAzKbJQAdrF_5zuOmnD5FBgwWnVEdOPIpDvavCGL6Zqtq3fBuVkCqhJeciPolG5gQtowSLuW2T1odIKDMZTD-PRRY13fZ7iBjQP0q0MT0i_Ej5qDtxPTmhSluPPfjBRI5hGVGx/s799/odessa%202014.jpg" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="513" data-original-width="799" height="280" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjCo2aW6MIQdBnJM6tfoBpIemuDX8fxj7BkcHSMtAje-COu0vFEb-EA4sLAzKbJQAdrF_5zuOmnD5FBgwWnVEdOPIpDvavCGL6Zqtq3fBuVkCqhJeciPolG5gQtowSLuW2T1odIKDMZTD-PRRY13fZ7iBjQP0q0MT0i_Ej5qDtxPTmhSluPPfjBRI5hGVGx/w452-h280/odessa%202014.jpg" width="452" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Red Hat Display;">Massacre in Odessa, 2 May 2014</span><br /></td></tr></tbody></table></span></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">The Ukrainian government<b> failed to implement</b> its own commitments and, on the other hand, Moscow used Russian separatists as <b>a “trojan horse”</b> for the promotion of its influence in the region. In fact, <b><u>none of the two parties really wanted the implementation</u></b> of the <b>Minsk Agreements</b> but, instead, they <b>pushed their own agendas</b> on the expense of the working people. </span></span><br /></div></div><div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">The failure of the Minsk Agreements was accompanied by <b>a ferocious military assault</b> of the <b>Ukrainian Armed Forces</b> and <b>fascist paramilitaries</b> (e.g neo-Nazi <b>Azov battalion</b>) against the people of Donbass. This attempted genocide, which had the silent approval of the West, namely NATO and the EU, provided to Putin administration the <b>necessary pretext</b> in order to launch the “Special Military Operation (SMO)” and the invasion that took place two years ago, on February 2022. </span></span><br /></div></div><div><p></p><p style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><b>Ten years later...</b><br /></span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">Ten years since the Euromaidan events and two years after the Russian invasion, <b>a full-scale disastrous war</b> is being waged against the people of Ukraine and Russia. <b><a href="http://www.idcommunism.com/2022/03/the-stance-of-communists-towards-the-imperialist-war-in-ukraine.html" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">As we have stressed out in the past</span></a>,</b> <b>It is a war that takes place between two adversary imperialist blocs,</b> the <b>Euro-Atlantic one</b> (USA, NATO, EU) and the emerging <b>Eurasian bloc</b> led by China and Russia. The division of mineral wealth, energy, territories, labour force, pipelines, transport routes of commodities, geopolitical footholds and market shares lie at the heart of the military conflict. <br /><br />The reactionary government of <b>Volodymir Zelenskiy</b> has been used as a <b>pawn on the chessboard</b> of this inter-imperialist rivalry and, sooner or later, will be thrown in the dustbin of political history by its own masters. <br /><br /><b>The peoples of Russia and Ukraine</b>, who had been living in peace and prospered together under the Soviet Union, <b>have no interest in siding with one imperialist or another,</b> with one alliance or another that serves the interests of the monopolies. <br /><br /><b>The interest of the working class and the popular strata</b> in every country requires to chart their own independent path against monopolies and bourgeois classes, for the <b>overthrow of capitalism</b>, for the <b>strengthening of the class struggle </b>against imperialist war, <b>for socialism</b> which remains as timely and necessary as ever before.</span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><span><b>* Nikos Mottas is the Editor-in-Chief of In Defense of Communism. </b></span></span></span><span><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><span><b> </b></span></span></span><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><span><b> </b></span></span></span><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><span><b> </b> </span></span></span><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"> </span><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></p></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8285433957148191622.post-85071200431664333622024-03-01T09:16:00.003+02:002024-03-01T09:21:23.678+02:00KKE on EU Parliament's Resolution for Navalny's death<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEibNLJw1s7IA7wms1TUuj0IF50153mgn0G0f5OT3itx7xUVtwZnA6jZKD_uxkrKtcJl1G4h3K-5RlM8NHcX1ayV7BxfHzsQqvR_PcBUVXY53sjNEJAqkNbe5UWLsLVbv9B0aYP-9AKpS4WTPeE0MrGTDGSfR0waVXaurZ9AGgt5K8gMcYS3pMaItXZg96jo/s883/eu%20alexei%20navalny.png" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="589" data-original-width="883" height="289" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEibNLJw1s7IA7wms1TUuj0IF50153mgn0G0f5OT3itx7xUVtwZnA6jZKD_uxkrKtcJl1G4h3K-5RlM8NHcX1ayV7BxfHzsQqvR_PcBUVXY53sjNEJAqkNbe5UWLsLVbv9B0aYP-9AKpS4WTPeE0MrGTDGSfR0waVXaurZ9AGgt5K8gMcYS3pMaItXZg96jo/w423-h289/eu%20alexei%20navalny.png" width="423" /></a></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Concerning the <a href="https://www.europarl.europa.eu/doceo/document/RC-9-2024-0147_EN.html" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">European Parliament's resolution</span></a> on the death of Russian opposition leader Alexei Navalny ("JOINT MOTION FOR A RESOLUTION on the murder of Alexei Navalny and the need for EU action in support of political prisoners and oppressed civil society in Russia"), the EU Parliament Group of the <a href="http://www.idcommunism.com/search/label/KKE" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">Communist Party of Greece</span></a> (KKE) underlines with particular concern “the fierce geo-political competition, the intentions and the evolving dangerous games surrounding Navalny's death”, part of which is the relevant resolution of the EU Parliament”. </span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"> </span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><span><a name='more'></a></span></span><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">As the KKE MEPs stress out (<a href="https://www.902.gr/eidisi/eyrovoyli/357397/anakoinosi-shetika-me-psifisma-toy-eyrokoinovoylioy-gia-navalni" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">here in Greek</span></a>), “The KKE has positioned itself and denounced the leadership of capitalist Russia for its invasion of Ukraine within the context of its competition with the USA, NATO and the EU. The KKE has positioned itself against anti-people, anti-democratic measures, discrimination towards communists and anti-communism practiced by the Russian leadership.”</span><br /><br /><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">“But in no way the KKE is going to get involved in the geopolitical games played by the EU and NATO with Russia over Navalny's death, which with mathematical precision lead to a new escalation of the competition and are fueled by both sides of the imperialist war in Ukraine. Both with Macron's threats concerning the dispatch of NATO and EU military forces in Ukraine, as well as Putin's unacceptable statements about nuclear war”. </span><br /><br /><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">“Additionally, the KKE doesn't share the heroization of an agent like Navalny, whose political positions and actions were linked to big interests in the context of capitalist competitions the people pay with their own blood”, the statement reads.</span><br /><br /><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">“The invocation of the “protection of human rights” by the EU, which tramples on the wage, labor and insurance rights of workers, persecutes the rights to strike, bears special responsibilities for the regime of filing and surveillance and its strategy servers the interests of European monopolies”. </span></div><div><p style="text-align: justify;"></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Based on the above, the EU Parliament Group of the KKE voted against the resolution in question. <br /></span></p><div style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span><span><span><b> </b><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><span><span><span><span><span><span><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><span><span><span><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span style="font-family: Work Sans;"><b><span face="Verdana, sans-serif"><a href="http://www.idcommunism.com/" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">IN DEFENSE OF COMMUNISM</span></a> </span></b><span face="Verdana, sans-serif"><span style="background-color: white;">©</span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span><span><span style="font-family: Raleway;"> </span></span></span></span><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><br /></span></span></div></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8285433957148191622.post-44295555832059834912024-02-29T15:28:00.001+02:002024-02-29T15:28:22.521+02:00 Tudeh Party of Iran: Statement on the forthcoming "elections" of the Islamic Parliament and the Assembly of the Experts<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;"></span></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiGuerA4fFy2j9SWg_1rVmYJ8vNLl11AMLdYwC08G3CYPY6hY8ZBUHsdo4zM10FjU-355EigmROT550gebnNo4QVUGB-Q8JlwTBz_L8_wqFUzCEMal_H2u8e2xOUwiBUSo2MY41UegbHPDJ9oZhjPZIUVmbfAX1m5Xd3oBgq9ZRf3W8_35iRLiIzD7qxcbU/s1388/Iran%201.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="906" data-original-width="1388" height="286" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiGuerA4fFy2j9SWg_1rVmYJ8vNLl11AMLdYwC08G3CYPY6hY8ZBUHsdo4zM10FjU-355EigmROT550gebnNo4QVUGB-Q8JlwTBz_L8_wqFUzCEMal_H2u8e2xOUwiBUSo2MY41UegbHPDJ9oZhjPZIUVmbfAX1m5Xd3oBgq9ZRf3W8_35iRLiIzD7qxcbU/w439-h286/Iran%201.jpg" width="439" /></a></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">In a statement concerning the the forthcoming "elections" of the Islamic Parliament and the Assembly of the Experts, the CC of the <a href="http://www.idcommunism.com/search/label/Tudeh%20Party" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">Tudeh Party of Iran</span></a> stresses out:</span><br /></div><div><p></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">"Dear conscious compatriots, workers, and toilers!</span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">Progressive and freedom-loving forces of Iran!</span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">The twelfth "election" of the Islamic
Parliament and the sixth "election" of the Assembly of Experts will take
place on 1 March. According to a report by the Ministry of Interior of
the Islamic Republic of Iran, more than 11,000 individuals (52% of
registered applicants) were approved by the vetting process [to stand as
candidates] and the results [of the vetting] were sent to them via text
message by the "National Elections Headquarters" on 5 January. </span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><span></span></span></span></p><a name='more'></a><p></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">Roughly
38% of all applicants' eligibility was not approved while less than 10%
of applicants failed the mandatory eligibility tests. It is worth
noting that 26 members of the current parliament who had not been able
to show full obedience to the "supreme leader" during their time as MPs,
were also disqualified. The vetting results of candidates for the
Assembly of Experts show that in most cities only a single candidate has
been approved to stand in the ballot. </span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">The extent of disqualification [of
candidates] by the reactionary Guardian Council was such that it even
provoked one of the loyal servants of the regime, namely Hassan Rouhani,
to openly protest - this from a figure who was recently the president
and was the representative of the supreme leader in the "National
Security Council" for many years. In a letter to the Guardian Council,
he wrote, among other things: "Those who disqualified me with political
motives and also disqualified thousands of candidates of the Islamic
Parliament elections for mainly political reasons and deprived people of
their right to participate in the elections, are neither the owners of
the revolution nor the country. Neither do they have the competence to
determine where the interests of the country lie and to disqualify the
loyal and compassionate servants of the country." Of course, Mr.
Rouhani has [conveniently] forgotten that those responsible for vetting
the candidates have been installed by the supreme leader and that when
it was deemed necessary to remove Mr. Rouhani's rivals from election
campaigns in the past, they executed their orders so that Mr. Rouhani
could take his president accordingly.</span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><b style="font-family: Raleway;">Dear conscious compatriots! Progressive and freedom-loving forces of Iran!</b></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">"Elections" in the framework of the
theocratic regime and the scandalous shows of the reactionary Guardian
Council to appoint their chosen ones have long been rejected by the
majority of our people. The widespread and successful boycotting of the
2021 presidential "elections" and the people's resolute "NO!" to the
appointment of the criminal Ebrahim Raisi as president is a clear
demonstration of the Iranian people's consciousness and their contempt
for the oppression and corruption presided over by the regime's
administrative, judicial, executive, and legislative institutions - as
well as a potent symbolisation of just how discredited the regime's
policies and ethics have become.</span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">The election for the 12th term of the
Islamic Parliament will be held amid circumstances where our country is
faced with ever-worsening economic and social crises. Poverty now grips
tens of millions of Iranians, while unemployment and endemic
institutional corruption has created a difficult and exhausting
situation for the lives of most people from different social strata.
Any protest against this situation and the regime's unpopular policies -
including protests to uphold the rights of workers, pensioners,
teachers, students, and women - is met with immediate and violent
suppression on the part of the regime, and even the execution of
participants in such protests. In addition to these difficulties, the
foolish and adventurist policies of the regime in the region have meant
that the security situation of our homeland - thus the security of our
people from an international point of view - faces an increasing risk of
interventions from the imperialist powers and other reactionary
countries in the region.</span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">45 years after the victory of the
February 1979 Revolution, not only have our people been denied freedom
and social justice, but have had a dictatorial regime based on the
moribund and deeply unpopular ideas of "Political Islam" - the policies
of which neatly align with the country's big capitalist interests -
imposed upon them. As a result, the huge gap between rich and poor has
now reached unprecedented dimensions in our country.</span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">The objective and subjective background
to the popular protests of 2017-18 and 2019-20; the strikes of workers,
pensioners, teachers; the protests of the oppressed masses; the vital
campaign of environmental activists; and then the "Woman, Life, Freedom"
movement in 2022 that seriously challenged the supreme leader's regime,
is the fire under the tinder of discontent of the masses in Iran - the
flames of which will inevitably flare up again sooner or later. We can
see the sparks flying throughout the workers' protests in recent weeks
as well as the courageous and steadfast protests of women, pensioners,
teachers, nurses, young people, bankrupt small-scale investors, and the
families of murdered or imprisoned political activists especially
imprisoned women.</span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">As the date of the elections for the
Islamic Parliament and the Assembly of Experts approaches, our people,
based on their experiences over recent years, bear witness to the
shameful efforts of a number of dare witnessing the emergence must bear
witness to the shameful attempts by a number of disgraceful defenders of
the Islamic Republic regime to pontificate, theorise, and thereby
barrack people into participating in this bankrupt charade. These
elements - whether masquerading under the pretence of being "left",
"reformers", or "independent political activists" - undertake a single
task, which is to mislead the people by propagating the falsehood that
there still remain "progressive forces" within the Islamic Republic of
Iran apparatus who need the help of the people to change the current
situation for the benefit of the masses and that the policies of the
Islamic Republic can be changed this way. Such ridiculous theories
suggest that there are elements in the regime that are pro-East, grouped
around the supreme leader, which are engaged in a decisive battle with
the forces defending imperialism. Thus, according to this theory, the
current struggle within the government is an "anti-imperialist" struggle
and "in line with Iran's national interests". Not only is the Islamic
Republic regime not anti-imperialist, it is also a capitalist system and
a profoundly unpopular one at that. The Tudeh Party of Iran believes
that, at present, the struggle of the popular movement activists against
the interventions and sanctions of imperialism is intertwined with
their fight against the reactionary theocratic dictatorship.</span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">For many years now, the nature of the
Islamic Republic regime has been firmly established as a capitalist
system with economic policies based on neoliberalism which prioritise
the interests of the country's big commercial and bureaucratic capital.
All the macroeconomic policies of the regime, which are regulated by
the office of the supreme leader and dictated to the government
administrations installed under him, have reflected the approved and
prescribed policies of the global capitalist institutions such as the
International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. On the anti-imperialist
nature of this regime, it is suffice to state that dozens of specific
documents have been leaked and published showing the regime's practical
collaboration with the imperialist's designs and projects, during both
the reigns of Khomeini and Khamenei. From the scandal of "Iran-Contra
affair" and the regime's secret line with Colonel Oliver North, aiding
the US in its violent campaign against the Sandinista revolutionaries in
Nicaragua; to the material cooperation provided by the regime with the
attacks by US imperialism on Afghanistan and Iraq followed by the
occupation of these countries, there is ample evidence that lay bare the
falsehoods put about by the regime and its defenders regarding the
foreign policy bent of the Islamic Republic regime.</span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><b style="font-family: Raleway;">Dear conscious compatriots! Progressive and freedom-loving forces of Iran!</b></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">The Tudeh Party of Iran is of the belief
that the coordinated and widespread organising by all the progressive
and freedom-loving forces of the country to boycott the supreme leader's
sham elections , despite the threats of the regime's spokespersons and
their propaganda tricks, is an encouraging, worthy, and decisive
response in line with the popular protests and public dissatisfaction of
the people towards the bankrupt policies of the Islamic Republic of
Iran. The Tudeh Party of Iran believes that the widespread boycott of
the upcoming elections amounts to yet another resounding "NO!" from our
people to tyranny and theocratic dictatorship as well as a rebuff to the
incompetent leaders who have forced our country into such a critical
and difficult situation. Along with the unified boycott of these
elections, by way of organising protests and launching a nationwide
campaign, effective and coordinated measures should be organised against
the dictatorship's institutions. We call upon all patriotic and
freedom-loving forces of the country to converge in a joint struggle in
order to realise this important work and defeat the theocratic regime's
show elections and we declare our readiness to actively participate in
such an endeavour".<br /></span></span></p><p style="text-align: right;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">tudehpartyiran.org <br /></span></span></p></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8285433957148191622.post-31010866336780814442024-02-27T21:41:00.000+02:002024-02-27T21:41:19.682+02:00Revolutionary Komsomol: Statement on the second anniversary of the imperialist war in Ukraine<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEikfCFJuGUmJzQ7eUjoG3WuIdIg58YHLePjJsQkSI9wUbhP6OYt70O3SJk3hix0UZUoNbTyD6VE4kF86uTjRCPO-8elyjAneuJAlF3yBTuzqOS33SuUz1cr0OMe9zKeqTBrtdLxBHsM5wGQx-F7O9Mtn5ERplcrqI9_-JnT5dI3-bHG8OwM7tzSYsmIjfZn/s1024/resolutions1-1024x576.png" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="576" data-original-width="1024" height="269" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEikfCFJuGUmJzQ7eUjoG3WuIdIg58YHLePjJsQkSI9wUbhP6OYt70O3SJk3hix0UZUoNbTyD6VE4kF86uTjRCPO-8elyjAneuJAlF3yBTuzqOS33SuUz1cr0OMe9zKeqTBrtdLxBHsM5wGQx-F7O9Mtn5ERplcrqI9_-JnT5dI3-bHG8OwM7tzSYsmIjfZn/w458-h269/resolutions1-1024x576.png" width="458" /></a></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">In a statement about the two years since the <a href="http://www.idcommunism.com/search/label/2nd%20anniversary%20of%20Ukraine%20War" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">imperialist war in Ukraine</span></a>, <span>the Central Committee of the <span><a href="http://www.idcommunism.com/search/label/Revolutionary%20Communist%20Youth%20League%20of%20Russia%20%28Bolsheviks%29" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">Revolutionary Communist Youth League of Russia (Bolsheviks)</span></a> stresses out the following: </span></span></span></div><p></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Two years ago, on February 24, 2022, Russia’s Special Military Operation (SMO) on <span style="background-color: white;"></span>the territory of Ukraine has begun. </span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Since the beginning of the SMO, the RKSM(b) has issued a number of
statements devoted to the problems of combat operations on the territory
of Ukraine. </span><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">We list them below:</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><span></span></span></p><a name='more'></a><p></p><ol><li><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://rksmb.org/english/revolutionary-komsomol-against-the-imperialist-repartition-of-ukraine/" style="color: #cc0000;">Revolutionary Komsomol — Against the Imperialist Repartition of Ukraine!</a></span></li><li><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://rksmb.org/english/statement-of-the-central-committee-of-rksmb-on-the-eve-of-the-possible-outbreak-of-the-third-world-war/" style="color: #cc0000;">Statement of the Central Committee of RKSM(b) on the eve of the possible outbreak of the Third World War</a></span></li><li><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://rksmb.org/english/statement-of-the-central-committee-of-rksmb-on-the-mobilization-in-russia-and-the-escalation-of-war-in-ukraine/" style="color: #cc0000;">Statement of the Central Committee of RKSM(b) on the mobilization in Russia and the escalation of war in Ukraine</a></span></li><li><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://rksmb.org/english/statement-by-rksmb-on-the-entry-of-the-donbass-kherson-and-zaporozhye-regions-into-the-russian-federation/" style="color: #cc0000;">Statement by the CC of RKSM(b) on the Entry of the Donbass, Kherson and Zaporozhye Regions into the Russian Federation</a></span></li><li><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://rksmb.org/english/statement-of-the-cc-of-rksmb-on-the-anniversary-of-the-beginning-of-the-smo/"><span style="color: #cc0000;">Statement of the CC of RKSM(b) on the anniversary of the beginning of the SMO</span></a></span></li></ol>
<p style="margin-bottom: 0cm;"></p><h3 class="wp-block-heading" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The results and consequences of two years of fighting</span></h3>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">As Putin himself admitted in an interview with American journalist Tucker Carlson, the stated <b>goals of the SMO</b> have not been met. What Putin did not say is that they have had the exact opposite effect.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">It was said that the purpose of the operation was to <b>protect people</b>
who have been subjected to abuse and genocide by the Kiev regime for
eight years. However, according to the reports of the Commissioner for
Human Rights in the Donetsk People’s Republic (DPR), the SMO caused a
sharp increase in the number of shelling of DPR territory by the Armed
Forces of Ukraine (AFU). Thus, from February 24, 2022 to January 1,
2023, there were 14,215 cases of shelling by the AFU recorded on the
territory of the DPR within the borders before the SMO. For comparison, a
total of 17,577 similar cases were recorded for previous four and a
half years — in the period from August 25, 2017 to February 24, 2022. As
a result, at the end of 2022, the total number of civilian deaths
amounted to 5,441, of which 1,091 — in 2022 itself. In comparison, there
were 5 civilian and 39 military deaths in 2020, and 32 and 97 in 2021
respectively.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">It was said that the purpose of the operation was to <b>eliminate the anti-Russian enclave</b>
that was being created on the territory of Ukraine and threatened
Russia, to stop NATO’s eastward expansion. But Finland has joined NATO
in 2023, and only Hungary is currently preventing Sweden from joining
NATO too.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">It has been said that the purpose of the SMO is to <b>denazify Ukraine</b>.
However, the Ukrainian Nazi group «Azov», despite heavy losses in the
battles for Mariupol and a long stay in captivity, expanded from a
battalion to a brigade in the period between February 2022 and the end
of 2023. The brigade includes 6 mechanised battalions, a military
training battalion and an artillery group. Azov’s numbers: February 2022
— 800 people, December 2022 — 1,500 people, August 2023 — over 7,000
people. In the West, support for the Ukrainian Nazis is also growing: in
Canada, a veteran of the SS division «Galicia» was invited to a
parliamentary session and warmly welcomed there, although this resulted
in a scandal.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">It was said that the purpose of the SMO was to <b>demilitarise Ukraine</b>.
However, arms deliveries have multiplied after the Russian invasion and
continue to grow. The German Bundestag approved the delivery of
long-range missiles to Ukraine. Denmark has said it will transfer U.S.
F-16 fighter jets to Ukraine in the summer of 2024. Even New Zealand
plans to increase its aid to Ukraine.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Though, <b>the Russian authorities lie all the time</b>.
For example, they said that there would be no mobilisation: Putin in
March 2022 and Peskov (press secretary of the Russian president) in
September 2022 claimed that there were no plans to call up reservists.
However, on September 21, 2022, the decision to call up 300,000
reservists was announced. We are not talking about the fact that:</span></p>
<ul style="text-align: justify;"><li><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">in 2018, a law was passed to raise the retirement age in Russia,
although Putin, as president, repeatedly spoke out against the increase;</span></li><li><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">in 2020, amendments were made to the Russian Constitution, although
Putin, as president, repeatedly claimed that he would not allow changes
to the main law.</span></li></ul>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The true goals of the military action are far from those that the
Russian authorities have stated and completely failed. A year ago, on
the first anniversary of the war, we wrote in our <a href="https://rksmb.org/english/statement-of-the-cc-of-rksmb-on-the-anniversary-of-the-beginning-of-the-smo/"><span style="color: #cc0000;">statement</span></a>: «<i>These
goals are only a cover. In fact, the ‘special military operation’
serves the interests of Russian oligarchy. It aims to control the
territories, markets and resources of Donbass and Ukraine, looks for new
spheres of investment of capital, tries to get more competitive
advantages on the world stage</i>«.</span></p>
<h3 class="wp-block-heading" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">International situation</span></h3>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">As the RKSM(b) noted in its <a href="https://rksmb.org/english/revolutionary-komsomol-against-the-imperialist-repartition-of-ukraine/"><span style="color: #cc0000;">analysis</span></a> already in the first days of the war, «<i>the
«special operation of the Russian armed forces in Ukraine» is not a
goodwill gesture of the Russian government, which suddenly, after eight
years of confrontation, «remembered» about the terrible and full of
suffering life of the Donetsk and Luhansk republics’ residents, but the
culmination of the process of imperialist redistribution on the
territory of the LDNR and Ukraine, inspired by the Russian Federation</i>«. This process goes far beyond Ukraine and Donbas.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">It must be remembered that the SMO on the territory of Ukraine is
only one of the fronts of the internal class conflict of the
imperialists, the confrontation between the two main imperialist blocs:
on the one hand, the younger imperialists of Russia and China, on the
other hand, the still dominant imperialists of the USA and the EU led by
the NATO bloc. The growing contradictions of the two blocs led to <b>another escalation of the conflict between Israel and Palestine</b>,
which began with the Hamas attack in October 2023. Even half a year has
not yet passed since the beginning of this escalation, and neighbouring
<b>Lebanon and Syria</b> are already actively involved in the
conflict, increasingly «exchanging» missile strikes with Israel; so is
Iran, which provides various support to those that oppose Israel — both
financial and technological, and diplomatic. A little further south, <b>Yemen</b>,
already drowning in its own internal armed conflict, has become more
active with the Houthis coming to the forefront. The latter have
signalled their current commitment to the bloc of Russian and Chinese
imperialists by openly declaring in an interview with the Russian
newspaper ‘Izvestia’ that Russian and Chinese ships will be guaranteed
free movement in the Red Sea, while attacks on American, British and
Israeli ships will continue. And while the Russian ruling class is
warmly welcoming the Yemeni Houthis, the other imperialist bloc is
bombing Yemeni territory.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Everywhere in this region there are loud self-righteous statements
from government officials who at the same time do not want a full-scale
war. <b>The classic «nobody wanted war, war was inevitable»</b>.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Here, it is worth noting the <b>role of Iran</b> as a
stronger actor, which pursues its own interests, at the same time
promoting the interests of its current «partners» — Russia and China —
in the Middle East. For example, it is important for China to have free
and preferably monopoly access to the Red Sea, which is part of its
«maritime silk road» to Europe. It is also interesting for Iran to oust
American and European monopolies from the Red Sea and the Suez Canal,
but not only because of Iran’s ties with Chinese capital, which have not
reached the desired size, but because of the need to export its own
capital both to the Middle East and Africa, especially given the
sanctions from Western capital. Recent diplomatic voyages by the head of
the Iranian Republic to African countries, as well as restored
diplomatic relations with Sudan, a country that has also been torn apart
for many months now, point precisely to Iranian capital’s plans to
expand into African markets, for example, through supporting certain
parties in ongoing conflicts, including Sudan. By the way, Russian
capital, unlike Chinese, is only increasing its investments in finance,
energy extraction, nuclear energy development, and infrastructure
construction in Iran. At the same time, Iran is helping Russia with arms
for the «anti-fascist struggle» in Ukraine (for example, by supplying
the Shahed drones).</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Other bright spots, although not yet fully fuelled, are <b>Guyana and Taiwan</b>.
In the first case, Chinese capital is acting through its partner —
«socialist» Venezuela, — trying to squeeze American oil companies out of
the territory of Guyana, rich in oil deposits, and get them themselves.
Of course, for purely «patriotic» reasons and for the benefit of all
the people, because this was the Venezuelan population’s will expressed
at the referendum on December 3, 2023: 95% «democratically» voted for
the inclusion of 2/3 of the territory of Guyana into Venezuela.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">In the case of Taiwan, the stakes are much higher. It is
understandable — the production there is much more important and useful
for the military machine of both China and the US and their respective
blocs, and the island is territorially located near the main rival of US
capital in the world imperialist race. Therefore, while the conflict
over Essequibo-Gayana has only made itself known in passing, the Taiwan
question is being rapidly intensified by military exercises, arms
buildup, provocative overflights of aircraft and ship passages, loud
statements and actions of bourgeois politicians. The Russian ruling
class has also made its position clear: full recognition of Taiwan as
the «one and indivisible» China. In response, Taiwan is tightening
sanctions against Russia, while the PRC continues to carry out «import
substitution» in the Russian market.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">This is the situation for now. No imperialist alliance is united
internally, because each imperialist, first of all, pursues its own
interests. Therefore, the balance of power inside the imperialist blocs
may change over time. However, these intra-class contradictions do not
cancel the opposition of each and every one of the imperialists to the
working class exploited by them.</span></p>
<h3 class="wp-block-heading" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Situation in Russia</span></h3>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">It is no surprise that the whole burden of the imperialist war falls
on the shoulders of the workers. The RKSM(b) was quite right when it
asserted in the «<a href="https://rksmb.org/english/statement-by-rksmb-on-the-entry-of-the-donbass-kherson-and-zaporozhye-regions-into-the-russian-federation/"><span style="color: #cc0000;">Statement by the CC of RKSM(b) on the Entry of the Donbass, Kherson and Zaporozhye Regions into the Russian Federation</span></a>» that «<i>a continuation of the war itself would bring new victims and devastation to the workers</i>«. This conclusion is confirmed in practice.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The SMO has dealt <b>a heavy blow to the country’s economy</b>. As a consequence of the outbreaks of the war, the EU has already adopted its 13th package of sanctions against Russia. As <b>imports continue to decline</b>,
there is a reduction in the supply of goods, which is accompanied by a
reorientation of the geography of supply. In addition, the war has led
to the depreciation of the ruble. All this causes <b>prices to rise</b>.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">In 2023, the systematic price increase has already affected food
products. In the first 10 months of 2023, the price of pork in Russia
rose by 12.4%, broiler meat — by 29% (and these are the cheapest and
therefore the most popular types of meat in Russia). Prices for eggs
rose by 61.35% (December to December) in the country as a whole, and in
some regions of the country — by almost 100%, i.e. twice as much. In
September 2023, inflation in fruit and vegetables reached 25.9% compared
to the same period in the previous year. The leaders of the year-end
price rise were tomatoes (+51.1%), pears (+48.3%), grapes (+48.2%),
bananas (+46.9%), garlic (+46.36%) and oranges (+33.99%). As a result,
Russians are forced to reduce the amount of protein and fresh fruit and
vegetables in their diet.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Russian workers will have to compensate for the lack of nutrition
with cheap carbohydrates. Due to a good harvest in 2023, cereals
(buckwheat by 18.81% and oats and pearl barley by 9.62%) and potatoes
(by 15.8%) became cheaper.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Workers have to <b>tighten their belts</b> not only because
of rising prices, but also because of falling incomes. After all, war
eats up budget resources. Thus, in 2024, the government will spend 14
trillion roubles on defence and security agencies, which is 38% of all
budget expenditures. Of this, 10.8 trillion roubles, i.e. almost a third
of expenditures, will go to the section «National Defence». While the
share of military spending in the budget has reached a record 29%,
«Social Policy» will account for 7.7 trillion roubles, or 21% — the
minimum since 2011.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The decline in living standards is not the only factor. The war also
threatens the very lives of workers. The front line has stabilised,
neither side is making decisive gains, and the war has become
protracted. The prospect of another wave of mobilisation is real, when
again tens and hundreds of thousands of Russian men will be forced to
risk their lives for the interests of Russian capital.</span></p>
<h3 class="wp-block-heading" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Suppression of dissenters: direct and preventive</span></h3>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">As a consequence of all this, workers’ discontent grows and <b>repression</b>,
including preventive repression, intensifies. Two years after the start
of the SMO, we see how the ruling class has warmed up to suppressing
dissent and restricting workers’ rights. As of the beginning of 2024,
the Investigative Committee states that more than 270 criminal cases
have already been opened for ‘fake information’ about the Russian Armed
Forces. In the same January, the Duma has passed a law according to
which citizens will not only be sent to jail or forced to pay fines, but
will also be <b>deprived of property</b> if they share ‘fake information’. Soon it will come to <b>deprivation of citizenship</b>.
Ah, yes, it has already come to that: since October 2023, the list of
criminal articles for which a Russian can be deprived of citizenship has
been expanded. A couple of months later, we were shown several times
how this law can be applied: two newcomers were deprived of citizenship
for failing to register for military service, thus failing to fulfil
their newly acquired «civic duty». And a little earlier — at least nine
others for various criminal offences. The patriotic audience will
exclaim: «That’s what they deserve! Moreover, this law concerns only
acquired citizenship! True Russians can exhale calmly!» In response,
perhaps, we will object, quoting Article 6 of the Constitution of the
Russian Federation: «Citizenship of the Russian Federation shall be
acquired and terminated in accordance with federal law, shall be unified
and equal regardless of the grounds for its acquisition». And since
there are a number of precedents of deprivation of acquired citizenship,
who guarantees that Russian citizens born in Russia will not be
deprived of their citizenship too?</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Russian bourgeois laws are increasingly becoming preventive in their
essence. Thus, for example, in November 2023, a certain Mr Sviridenko
(Deputy Minister of Justice of the Russian Federation) shared the news
about the introduction of <b>«preventive» measures against «third parties» </b>—
those who «intentionally or unintentionally help or support foreign
agents in some way». To begin with, the fines are planned from 300
thousand roubles — just 20 minimum subsistence incomes, if we take its
officially established size for the beginning of 2024. More and more
frequent and louder are <b>speeches about the harm of abortion</b>,
because it is necessary to carry out «prevention» in demography too, so
that there will be more «defenders of the Motherland». At the end of
2023, two Novgorods stood out: in Veliky Novgorod, calls for abortion
are now officially banned, and the City Council in Nizhny Novgorod
submitted a bill to the State Duma to ban abortions in private clinics.
And although the bill was rejected, prominent ladies from government
agencies are more actively urging women to remember «their feminine
purpose».</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Laws are laws, but they can «go out the window» if necessary, and
therefore sometimes, for a better «preventive» effect, the ruling class
should turn to open terror. For this purpose, it is necessary to keep
brave anti-fascists nearby. In our statements over the past two years,
we have drawn attention to the growing <b>activity of «patriotic» groups</b>
like the «Sorok Sorokov», «Northern Man», «Russian Community» and other
smaller far-right groups, which actively promote chauvinistic ideas of
«Russian supremacy», develop their regional networks and participate in
anti-migrant raids together with the police. However, by the end of the
second year of the SWO, «anti-fascism» is reaching a new level, and the
«preventive» measures of open terror of far-right patriots in the
service of the ruling class are gradually being applied against their
political enemies, including the «left-wing» activists. As we <a href="https://t.me/rksmb/2203"><span style="color: #cc0000;">wrote</span></a> in early January 2024, commenting on the attack on the Communists in Rybinsk, «attacks on political grounds, <b>attacks against the ‘left’</b>,
although not yet outnumbering racist antics in numbers, are rapidly
surpassing them in the degree of organisation». Hence we can conclude
that the goal of the Russian bourgeoisie to «denazify» Ukraine will only
continue to be surpassed. Not only have the Ukrainian Nazi groups
magically become more numerous and stronger, but the Russian
«anti-fascist» gangs are increasingly active in establishing a «new
order» in the Russian Federation itself.</span></p>
<h3 class="wp-block-heading" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Conclusions</span></h3>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Given the conditions of another crisis of capitalism, <b>Russia is sliding faster and faster towards fascist dictatorship</b>. External and internal processes complement and reinforce each other.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The power bloc and non-state armed formations (Cossacks, etc.) are
strengthening. Terror is no longer constrained by the law (Alexey
Navalny’s death in prison) or freely adapts the law to its needs (Boris
Kagarlitsky’s arrest). Ideology openly promotes obscurantism (the course
«Foundations of Russian Statehood») and organises the persecution of
dissenters (the Zinoviev Club’s speech «Philosophy in Danger»).
Patriotism is replaced by nationalism and ideas of national superiority
over the «West», and religiosity is imposed.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">At the same time, Prigozhin’s coup showed that there are forces in
the country ready to redistribute power by force in the interests of the
more reactionary and chauvinist elements of finance capital. Fascism
«from above», from the side of the state, and fascism «from below», from
the side of non-state formations, are competing with each other in
determining the scenario according to which the bourgeois dictatorship
in Russia will be tightened. </span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">In these conditions, the only adequate response of the workers can be
their rallying and unification under the leadership of the working
class, under the banner of their class interests. As the RKSM(b) wrote
in its «<a href="https://rksmb.org/english/statement-by-rksmb-on-the-entry-of-the-donbass-kherson-and-zaporozhye-regions-into-the-russian-federation/"><span style="color: #cc0000;">Statement on the Entry of the Donbass, Kherson and Zaporozhye Regions into the Russian Federation</span></a>«: «<i>The
crisis can only be overcome by socialist revolution and the overthrow
of capitalist domination. Only by taking power into its own hands may
the working class organize the defense of its homeland, take care of
civilians and refugees, and recover the economy of the country. Only by
overthrowing the domination of their own and the overseas capitalists
are the people of the two countries able to agree with each other on
peace and friendship</i>«.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The role of the workers’ communist youth is great in this endeavour.
The Revolutionary Komsomol gathers into its ranks progressive youth
ready for decisive action in the struggle for the class interests of the
proletariat. Concrete steps in this direction are envisaged by the <a href="https://rksmb.org/english/materials-of-the-xvi-congress-of-rksmb/"><span style="color: #cc0000;">decisions</span></a> of the recent XVI Congress of the RKSM(b).</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The slogans of the Revolutionary Komsomol are the slogans of the future. Today they are simple but more relevant than ever:</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b>No to imperialist war!</b></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b>Against the oppression of capital, for socialism!</b></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b>The victory of the working class is the defeat of capital!</b></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b>Proletarians of all countries, unite!</b></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">We are communists. And we know that <b>victory will be ours</b>.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"> </span></p><p style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjbYfJLdYP4mnCw0G2IqTpjB99KMZFq8vB_jyZk_FHR0lZLmyXsfGAzSpBe4LKSP8LIeyRxDpCYX1FZC_rB5z_NmHyG9zV7R_ohF8Qkb7XMf1xpWJhu9fXuhg6DRTVOwO0TVr-AJKCQuV1pw587hqPpTFWccFV4fAIIjbwPnqoejGfi6Mfu9mqUUPNU1q9S/s800/Flag-Russia.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="536" data-original-width="800" height="26" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjbYfJLdYP4mnCw0G2IqTpjB99KMZFq8vB_jyZk_FHR0lZLmyXsfGAzSpBe4LKSP8LIeyRxDpCYX1FZC_rB5z_NmHyG9zV7R_ohF8Qkb7XMf1xpWJhu9fXuhg6DRTVOwO0TVr-AJKCQuV1pw587hqPpTFWccFV4fAIIjbwPnqoejGfi6Mfu9mqUUPNU1q9S/w39-h26/Flag-Russia.jpg" width="39" /></a><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"> </span></span></div><p></p><h2 class="overpic" style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Заявление ЦК РКСМ(б) ко второй годовщине с начала специальной военной операции</span></h2><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Два года назад, 24 февраля 2022 года, началась специальная военная операция (СВО) России на территории Украины.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">С начала СВО РКСМ(б) выпустил целый ряд заявлений, посвящённых
проблематике боевых действий на территории Украины. Мы приводим их
список ниже:</span></p>
<ol style="text-align: justify;"><li><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://rksmb.org/rksmb/official/revkomsomol-protiv-imperialisticheskogo-peredela-ukrainy/">Ревкомсомол — против империалистического передела Украины!</a></span></li><li><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://rksmb.org/rksmb/official/zayavlenie-rksmb-nakanune-vozmozhnogo-nachala-tretej-mirovoj-vojny/">Заявление ЦК РКСМ(б) накануне возможного начала Третьей Мировой войны </a></span></li><li><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://rksmb.org/rksmb/official/zayavlenie-czk-rksmb-o-mobilizaczii-v-rossii-i-eskalaczii-vojny-na-ukraine/">Заявление ЦК РКСМ(б) о мобилизации в России и эскалации войны на Украине</a></span></li><li><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://rksmb.org/rksmb/official/zayavlenie-czk-rksmb-o-vhozhdenii-donbassa-hersonskoj-i-zaporozhskoj-oblastej-v-sostav-rossijskoj-federaczii/">Заявление ЦК РКСМ(б) о вхождении Донбасса, Херсонской и Запорожской областей в состав Российской Федерации</a></span></li><li><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://rksmb.org/rksmb/official/zayavlenie-czk-rksmb-v-svyazi-s-godovshhinoj-nachala-svo/">Заявление ЦК РКСМ(б) в связи с годовщиной начала СВО</a></span></li></ol>
<h3 class="wp-block-heading" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Итоги и последствия двух лет боевых действий</span></h3>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Заявленные <strong>цели СВО</strong>, как признал сам Путин в
интервью американскому журналисту Такеру Карлсону, не выполнены. Более
того (о чём Путин не сказал), они обернулись прямо противоположным
эффектом.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Говорили, что цель операции – <strong>защита людей</strong>, которые
на протяжении восьми лет подвергаются издевательствам, геноциду со
стороны киевского режима. Однако, согласно докладам Уполномоченного по
правам человека в ДНР, СВО вызвала резкое увеличение количества
обстрелов территории ДНР со стороны ВСУ. Так, в период с 24 февраля 2022
года по 1 января 2023 года на территории ДНР в границах до начала СВО
зафиксировано 14215 фактов обстрелов со стороны ВСУ. Для сравнения – в
сумме за четыре с половиной года, в период с 25 августа 2017 года по 24
февраля 2022 года, было зафиксировано 17577 аналогичных фактов. В
результате на конец 2022 года общее число погибших гражданских лиц
составило 5441 чел., из них 1091 – в самом 2022 году. Для сравнения: в
2020 погибло 5 гражданских лиц и 39 военнослужащих, в 2021 –
соответственно 32 и 97.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Говорили, что цель операции – <strong>ликвидировать антироссийский анклав</strong>,
который создается на территории Украины и угрожает России, остановить
расширение НАТО на восток. Но в 2023 году в НАТО вступила Финляндия, а
приёму в НАТО Швеции на данный момент препятствует только Венгрия.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Говорили, что целью СВО является <strong>денацификация Украины</strong>.
Однако боевое формирование украинских нацистов – «Азов» – несмотря на
тяжёлые потери в боях за Мариуполь и долгое пребывание в плену, с
февраля 2022 по конец 2023 расширилось от батальона до бригады. Бригада
включает 6 механизированных батальонов, батальон военной подготовки и
артиллерийскую группу. Численность «Азова»: февраль 2022 – 800 чел.,
декабрь 2022 – 1500 чел., август 2023 – более 7000 чел. На Западе
поддержка украинских нацистов также растёт: дошло до того, что в Канаде
пригласили на заседание парламента и приветствовали ветерана дивизии СС
«Галичина», хоть это и вылилось в скандал.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Говорили, что целью СВО является <strong>демилитаризация Украины</strong>.
Однако поставки вооружений после вторжения России увеличились в разы и
продолжают расти. Бундестаг ФРГ одобрил поставку Украине дальнобойных
ракет. Дания заявила, что передаст Украине американские истребители F-16
летом 2024 года. Даже Новая Зеландия планирует наращивать объём помощи
Украине.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Впрочем, <strong>врут российские власти постоянно</strong>. Например,
они говорили, что мобилизации не будет: Путин в марте 2022 и Песков
(пресс-секретарь президента РФ) в сентябре 2022 утверждали, что
призывать резервистов не планируется. Однако 21 сентября 2022 объявлено о
решении призвать в вооружённые силы 300 тыс. резервистов. Мы уже не
говорим о том, что:</span></p>
<ul style="text-align: justify;"><li><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">в 2018 году принят закон о повышении в России пенсионного возраста,
хотя Путин, будучи президентом, неоднократно высказывался против
повышения;</span></li><li><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">в 2020 году внесены поправки в Конституцию РФ, хотя Путин, будучи
президентом, неоднократно утверждал, что не допустит изменений основного
закона.</span></li></ul>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Истинные цели военных действий далеки от заявленных и полностью
проваленных властями России. Год назад, в первую годовщину войны, мы
писали в своём <a href="http://rksmb.org/rksmb/official/zayavlenie-czk-rksmb-v-svyazi-s-godovshhinoj-nachala-svo/"><span style="color: #cc0000;">заявлении</span></a> <em>(«Заявление ЦК РКСМ(б) в связи с годовщиной начала СВО» от 24.02.2023)</em>: <em>«Заявленные
цели СВО являются лишь прикрытием. На деле СВО служит интересам
российской олигархии, которая стремится к контролю над территориями,
рынками и ресурсами Донбасса и Украины, ищет новые сферы вложения
капитала, пытается усилить свои конкурентные позиции на международной
арене»</em>.</span></p>
<h3 class="wp-block-heading" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Международная обстановка</span></h3>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Как отмечал РКСМ(б) в своём <a href="http://rksmb.org/rksmb/official/revkomsomol-protiv-imperialisticheskogo-peredela-ukrainy/"><span style="color: #cc0000;">анализе</span></a> <em>(«Ревкомсомол – против империалистического передела Украины!» от 27.02.2022)</em> уже в первые дни войны, <em>««спецоперация
вооружённых сил России на Украине» является не жестом доброй воли
российского правительства, которое внезапно «вспомнило» о страшной и
полной страданий жизни граждан Донецкой и Луганской республик спустя
восемь лет противостояния, а ознаменованием процесса империалистического
передела на территории ЛДНР и Украины, инспирированного Российской
Федерацией». </em>Данный процесс выходит далеко за пределы Украины и Донбасса.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Необходимо помнить, что СВО на территории Украины — лишь один из
фронтов внутриклассового конфликта империалистов, противостояния двух
главных империалистических блоков: с одной стороны, более молодых
империалистов России и Китая, с другой стороны — пока ещё господствующих
империалистов США и ЕС во главе с блоком НАТО. Обостряющиеся
противоречия двух блоков привели к очередной <strong>эскалации конфликта между Израилем и Палестиной</strong>,
начавшейся с атаки ХАМАСа в октябре 2023. Ещё не прошло даже полугода с
начала этой эскалации, а в конфликт уже активно включаются соседние <strong>Ливан и Сирия</strong>,
всё чаще «обмениваясь» ракетными ударами, а также Иран, оказывающий
различную поддержку противостоящим Израилю сторонам — как
финансово-технологическую, так и дипломатическую. Чуть южнее
активизировался и без того тонущий в собственном внутреннем вооружённом
конфликте <strong>Йемен</strong> с движением хуситов. Последние
обозначили свою текущую приверженность блоку российских и китайских
империалистов, открыто заявив в интервью «Известиям», что судам РФ и КНР
будет гарантировано свободное перемещение по Красному морю, а атаки на
американские, британские, израильские суда продолжатся. И пока
российский правящий класс тепло принимает йеменских хуситов, другой
империалистический блок бомбит территорию Йемена.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Повсюду в регионе звучат громкие самоуверенные заявления со стороны
государственных чинов, которые в то же время не желают полномасштабной
войны. <strong>Классическое «войны никто не хотел, война была неизбежна».</strong></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Здесь стоит особенно отметить <strong>роль Ирана</strong> как более
сильного представителя, который преследует собственные интересы, заодно
продвигая интересы своих нынешних «партнеров» — России и Китая — на
ближневосточном направлении. Так, например, Китаю важно иметь свободный
и, желательно, монопольный доступ к Красному морю, который является
частью его «морского шелкового пути» в Европу. Вытеснить американские и
европейские монополии из Красного моря и Суэцкого канала интересно и
Ирану, но не столько из-за связей с китайским капиталом, которые не
достигли желаемого размера, сколько из-за необходимости вывозить
собственный капитал как в страны Ближнего Востока, так и в Африку,
особенно в условиях санкций со стороны западного капитала. Последние
дипломатические вояжи главы Иранской республики в страны Африки, а также
восстановленные дипотношения с Суданом — страной, которую уже много
месяцев тоже разрывают на части, – как раз указывают на планы иранского
капитала расширяться на африканские рынки, например, через поддержку
определенных сторон в текущих конфликтах, в том числе в Судане. Кстати,
российский капитал, в отличие от китайского, только наращивает
инвестиции в области финансов, добычи энергоресурсов, разработки ядерной
энергетики, строительства инфраструктуры в Иране. В то же время Иран
помогает России вооружением для «антифашистской борьбы» на территории
Украины (например, поставляя беспилотные летательные аппараты «Шахед»).</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Другие же яркие, хотя ещё и не сполна разгоревшиеся, точки — это <strong>Гайана и Тайвань</strong>.
В первом случае китайский капитал действует через своего партнера в
лице «социалистической» Венесуэлы, пытаясь выдавить с территории Гайаны,
богатой залежами нефти, американские нефтедобывающие компании и
заполучить их самим. Разумеется, из чисто «патриотических» соображений и
ради выгоды всему народу, ведь такова была воля венесуэльцев,
выраженная на референдуме 3 декабря 2023 года: 95% «демократически»
проголосовали за включение 2/3 территории Гайаны в состав Венесуэлы.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">В ситуации вокруг Тайваня ставки гораздо выше. Оно и понятно — и
производство там гораздо важнее и полезнее для военной машины как КНР,
так и США вместе с их блоками, и территориально остров расположен вблизи
основного соперника американского капитала в мировой империалистической
гонке. А потому, пока конфликт вокруг Эссекибо-Гайаны лишь вскользь
заявил о себе, тайваньский вопрос стремительно нагнетают учениями,
наращиванием вооружения, провокационными пролетами самолетов и
проплывами кораблей, громкими заявлениями и действиями буржуазных
политиков. Российский правящий класс также четко обозначил свою позицию:
полное признание Тайваня за «единым и неделимым» Китаем, за что Тайвань
ужесточает санкции в отношении Росии, а КНР продолжает осуществлять
«импортозамещение» на российском рынке.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Таково положение на текущий момент. Ни один империалистический альянс
не един внутренне, так как каждый империалист, в первую очередь,
преследует собственные интересы. Поэтому расклад сил в
империалистических блоках может со временем меняться. Однако эти
внутриклассовые противоречия не отменяют противоположность всех и
каждого из империалистов эксплуатируемому ими рабочему классу.</span></p>
<h3 class="wp-block-heading" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Положение в России</span></h3>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Естественно, что вся тяжесть империалистической войны ложится на плечи трудящихся. РКСМ(б) был совершенно прав, утверждая в <em>«<a href="http://rksmb.org/rksmb/official/zayavlenie-czk-rksmb-o-vhozhdenii-donbassa-hersonskoj-i-zaporozhskoj-oblastej-v-sostav-rossijskoj-federaczii/"><span style="color: #cc0000;">Заявлении ЦК о вхождении Донбасса, Херсонской и Запорожской областей в состав Российской Федерации</span></a>»</em> от 05.10.2022, что <em>«продолжение войны само по себе принесёт трудящимся новые жертвы и разорение».</em> Этот вывод подтверждается на практике.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">СВО нанесла тяжёлый <strong>удар по экономике</strong> страны. В результате войны ЕС принял уже 13-й пакет санкций против России. Вследствие продолжающегося <strong>сокращения импорта</strong>
наблюдается сокращение предложения товаров, которое сопровождается
переориентацией географии поставок. Вдобавок война привела к снижению
курса рубля. Всё это вызывает <strong>рост цен</strong>.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">В 2023 году систематический рост цен затронул уже продовольственные
товары. Так, за 10 месяцев 2023 года свинина в России подорожала на
12,4%, мясо бройлера — на 29% (а это самые дешёвые и потому самые
востребованные в России виды мяса). Цены на яйца за год выросли в целом
по стране на 61,35% (декабрь к декабрю), а в отдельных регионах страны —
почти на 100%, то есть в два раза. Инфляция в плодоовощах в сентябре
2023 года достигла 25,9% по сравнению с аналогичным периодом годом
ранее. В лидерах подорожания по итогам года оказались помидоры (+51,1%),
груши (+48,3%), виноград (+48,2%), бананы (+46,9%), чеснок (+46,36%) и
апельсины (+33,99%). Вследствие этого россияне вынуждены сокращать
количество белка, а также свежих овощей и фруктов в своём рационе.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Восполнять недостаток питания российским рабочим придётся дешёвыми
углеводами. Благо в 2023 году за счёт хорошего урожая подешевели крупы
(на 18,81% — гречка, на 9,62% — крупы овсяные и перловые) и картофель
(на 15,8%).</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Трудящимся приходится <strong>затягивать пояса</strong> не только
ввиду роста цен, но и вследствие падения доходов. Ведь война сжирает
ресурсы бюджета. Так, в 2024 году правительство потратит 14 трлн рублей
на оборону и силовые органы — это 38% от всех бюджетных расходов. Из них
10,8 трлн рублей, почти треть расходов, пойдет на раздел «Национальная
оборона». В то время, как доля военных расходов в бюджете вышла на
рекордные 29%, на «Социальную политику» придется 7,7 трлн рублей, или
21%, — это минимум с 2011 года.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Снижение уровня жизни — не единственный фактор. Война угрожает и
самой жизни трудящихся. Линия фронта стабилизировалась, ни одна из
сторон не достигает решающих успехов, война приобрела затяжной характер.
Реальна перспектива очередной волны мобилизации, когда вновь десятки и
сотни тысяч российских мужчин будут вынуждены рисковать своими жизнями
за интересы российского капитала.</span></p>
<h3 class="wp-block-heading" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Подавление несогласных: прямое и превентивное</span></h3>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Как следствие из всего сказанного, растёт недовольство трудящихся и усиливаются <strong>репрессии</strong>,
в т.ч. превентивные. Спустя два года после начала СВО мы видим, как
правящий класс разогрелся в подавлении инакомыслия и ограничении прав
трудящихся. На начало 2024 года, как заявляет СК, было уже возбуждено
более 270 уголовных дел за фейки о ВС РФ. В этом же январе Дума приняла
закон, согласно которому за фейки граждан смогут не только сажать или
заставлять платить штрафы, но и <strong>лишать имущества</strong>.
Видать, скоро дойдёт и до лишения гражданства. Ах-да, уже ведь дошли: с
октября 2023 года был расширен перечень уголовных статей, за которые
россиянина могут <strong>лишить гражданства</strong>. Пару месяцев
спустя нам несколько раз продемонстрировали, как этот закон можно
применять, лишив гражданства двух приезжих за то, что те не встали на
воинский учёт, не выполнив тем самым свой новоприобретённый «гражданский
долг». А чуть ранее — ещё как минимум девятерых за различные уголовные
преступления. Патриотическая публика воскликнет: «Так им и надо! Тем
более, закон этот касается только приобретённого гражданства! Истинные
руzzкие могут выдохнуть, а мигрантам и поделом!» В ответ, пожалуй,
возразим, процитируя статью 6 Конституции РФ: «Гражданство Российской
Федерации приобретается и прекращается в соответствии с федеральным
законом, является единым и равным независимо от оснований приобретения».
А раз есть ряд прецедентов лишения приобретенного гражданства, кто
гарантирует, что в отношение российских граждан с рождения, за которых
так спокойны «патриоты», не будут применяться подобные же меры?</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Российские буржуазные законы всё больше приобретают превентивный
характер. Так, например, в ноябре 2023 некий Господин Свириденко
поделился новостью о введении <strong>«профилактических» мер в адрес «третьих лиц»</strong>
— тех, кто «умышленно либо неумышленно помогают либо поддерживают
как-то иностранных агентов». Штрафы для начала планируются от 300 тысяч —
всего лишь 20 прожиточных минимумов, если брать его официально
установленный на начало 2024 года размер. Всё чаще и громче звучат <strong>речи о вреде абортов</strong>,
ведь проводить «профилактику» нужно и в демографии, чтобы было больше
«защитников Родины». В конце 2023 года выделились два Новгорода: в
Великом теперь запрещены призывы к прерыванию беременности, а
заксобрание Нижнего представило Госдуме законопроект о запрете абортов в
частных клиниках. И хотя законопроект был отклонён, видные дамы из
государственных ведомств активнее призывают женщин вспомнить о «своём
женском предназначении».</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Законы законами, но они, если надо, могут «идти лесом», а потому
иногда для лучшего «профилактического» эффекта правящему классу стоит
обращаться к открытому террору. Для этого поблизости нужно держать
бравых антифашистов. В наших заявлениях за последние два года мы
обращаем внимание на растущую <strong>активность «патриотических» группировок</strong>
наподобие «Сорока сороков», «Северного человека», «Русской общины» и
прочих более мелких ультраправых объединений, которые активно продвигают
шовинистические идеи «русского превосходства», развивают свои
региональные сети и участвуют в антимигрантских рейдах совместно с
полицией. Однако к окончанию второго года проведения СВО «антифашизм»
выходит на новый уровень, и «превентивные» меры открытого террора
ультраправых патриотов на службе правящего класса постепенно применяются
и против их политических врагов в лице «левых». Как мы <a href="https://t.me/rksmb/2203"><span style="color: #cc0000;">писали</span></a> в начале января 2024 года, комментируя нападение на коммунистов в Рыбинске, «нападения по политическим основаниям, <strong>нападения на «левых»</strong>,
хотя количественно пока и не обогнали расистские выходки, тем не менее,
стремительно превосходят их по степени организованности». Отсюда можно
сделать вывод, что цель российской буржуазии по «денацификации» Украины
будет и дальше только перевыполняться. Мало того, что украинские
нацистские группировки волшебным образом стали многочисленнее и сильнее,
так ещё и российские «антифашистские» банды всё активнее наводят «новый
порядок» на территории РФ.</span></p>
<h3 class="wp-block-heading" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Выводы</span></h3>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">На фоне очередного кризиса капитализма <strong>Россия всё быстрее скатывается к фашистской диктатуре</strong>. Внешние и внутренние процессы при этом взаимно дополняют и усиливают друг друга.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Укрепляются силовой блок и негосударственные вооружённые формирования
(казаки и проч.). Террор уже не сковывает себя рамками закона (смерть
Навального в тюрьме) или свободно подгоняет закон под свои нужды (арест
Кагарлицкого). В идеологии открыто пропагандируется мракобесие (курс
«Основы российской государственности»), организуется травля
инакомыслящих (выступление Зиновьевского клуба «Философия в опасности»).
Патриотизм подменяется национализмом и идеями национального
превосходства над «Западом», насаждается религиозность.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Вместе с тем мятеж Пригожина показал, что в стране есть силы, готовые
к силовому переделу власти в интересах более реакционных и
шовинистических элементов финансового капитала. Фашизм «сверху», от лица
государства, и фашизм «снизу», в лице негосударственных формирований,
соревнуются друг с другом в том, по какому сценарию ужесточения
буржуазной диктатуры пойдёт Россия.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">В этих условиях единственным адекватным ответом трудящихся может быть
их сплочение и объединение под руководством рабочего класса, под
знаменем своих классовых интересов. Как писал РКСМ(б): «<strong>Преодоление кризиса возможно только путём социалистической революции и свержения господства капиталистов.</strong>
Только взяв власть в свои руки, рабочий класс сможет организовать
защиту Отечества, позаботиться о мирных жителях и беженцах, восстановить
хозяйство страны. Только свергнув господство своих и заокеанских
капиталистов, народы двух стран смогут договориться друг с другом о мире
и дружбе» <em>(«Заявление ЦК РКСМ(б) о вхождении Донбасса, Херсонской и Запорожской областей в состав Российской Федерации» от 05.10.2022)</em>.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Велика в этом деле роль рабочей коммунистической молодёжи.
Революционный комсомол собирает в свои ряды прогрессивную молодёжь,
готовую к решительным действиям в борьбе за классовые интересы
пролетариата. Конкретные шаги в данном направлении предусмотрены <a href="https://rksmb.org/rksmb/official/materialy-xvi-sezda-rksmb/"><span style="color: #cc0000;">решениями недавно прошедшего XVI Съезда РКСМ(б)</span></a>.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Лозунги Революционного комсомола — это лозунги будущего. Сегодня они просты, но актуальны, как никогда:</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><strong><em>Нет империалистической войне!</em></strong></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><strong><em>Против ига капитала, за социализм!</em></strong></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><strong><em>Победа рабочего класса – это поражение капитала!</em></strong></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><strong><em>Пролетарии всех стран, соединяйтесь!</em></strong></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Мы коммунисты. И мы знаем: <strong>победа будет за нами</strong>.</span></p><p style="text-align: right;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">rksmb.org</span><br /></p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8285433957148191622.post-59428616510172519202024-02-27T19:55:00.002+02:002024-02-27T19:55:29.441+02:00Charlie Biton, Israeli Black Panthers founder and long-time Hadash MP, dies at 76<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjhJry8WDmYN2H7ahJDNJEl8x4MS-gmwrtnX5XIJlD7Lx7-BV4YkR2j8CEoxRNwhesvkA02iWQs5XwVjXKlkpL7ml7HyM8ZCiaGEsnuTrCmlNQJ3rA9X-WPIzD3nQn-StWXly7335h35DHF0LnNf_FtqhUN5abupCT76HjkBNuSIE1zhyphenhyphenvtbv1sX2oGmklj/s982/Charlie%20Biton%20AFP.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="778" data-original-width="982" height="284" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjhJry8WDmYN2H7ahJDNJEl8x4MS-gmwrtnX5XIJlD7Lx7-BV4YkR2j8CEoxRNwhesvkA02iWQs5XwVjXKlkpL7ml7HyM8ZCiaGEsnuTrCmlNQJ3rA9X-WPIzD3nQn-StWXly7335h35DHF0LnNf_FtqhUN5abupCT76HjkBNuSIE1zhyphenhyphenvtbv1sX2oGmklj/w420-h284/Charlie%20Biton%20AFP.jpg" width="420" /></a></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Charlie Biton, former <a href="http://www.idcommunism.com/search/label/Hadash" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">Hadash</span></a> member of Knesset for more than 15 years
and one of the founders of the Mizrachi protest movement Black Panthers,
died on Saturday evening, February 24, aged 76. He was the first Israeli MP who met the historic leader of the <a href="http://www.idcommunism.com/search/label/Palestine" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">Palestinian</span></a> Liberation Organization (PLO), Yasser Arafat, in 1980. <br /></span></div><p></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Biton founded the Israeli
Black Panthers in 1971 in response to class and ethnic discrimination
faced by Israelis of Middle Eastern and North African descent.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><span></span></span></p><a name='more'></a><p></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Biton was born in Casablanca, Morocco, in 1947 and immigrated to
Israel with his family when he was 2 years old. He grew up with six
siblings on Jerusalem’s pre-1967 border in the impoverished neighborhood
of Musrara, which was then home to hundreds of North African and Iraqi
Jewish families. Life in Musrara entailed cramped living spaces, rampant
unemployment and a direly underequipped education system. On top of
economic destitution, explosives planted along the hostile Israel-Jordan
border and occasional gunfire from Jordanian sharpshooters meant that
residents lived in constant tension.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The Panthers attempted to hold their first demonstration on March 3,
1971, outside Jerusalem’s City Hall. When they requested a permit for
the protest, the police not only denied them the permit, but carried out
preventative arrests of the young leaders, taking Biton and 16 others
into custody. In May 1971, the Black Panthers led a rally with an
estimated 5,000 to 7,000 people that began in Jerusalem’s Davidka Square
and proceeded toward Zion Square. Clashes broke out between protesters
and the police, and about 70 people were arrested.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Biton served in the Knesset with Hadash from 1977 to 1990, when he
split from the list, serving for two years as an MK for the Black
Panther faction he founded. In 1992, he ran on a list he named Hatikvah,
but fell far below the threshold and lost his seat. He frequently made
use of gimmicks in the Knesset to illustrate his points and capture the
public’s attention. During one of his speeches, he turned to face the
wall, claiming that no one was listening to him anyway. In another
instance, he chained himself to the Knesset podium.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">In September 1980, Biton and Tawfik Toubi were the first MKs to meet
publicly with the leaders of the PLO, including Yasser Arafat. They met
in Bulgaria, and Biton said he had a mandate from his constituents to
seek peace. In 1987, Biton led an Israeli delegation to Budapest, where
he met with Fatah’s Mahmoud Abbas, the current president of the
Palestinian Authority. Government officials issued statements decrying
the move and arguing for the revocation of his parliamentary immunity.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">After losing his spot in the Knesset, Biton slowly drifted away from
politics, though at times lent his support to various Israeli social
movements over the next few years. When Israel erupted into nationwide
protests in 2011 over the steepening cost of living, Biton joined one of
the largest demonstrations that year.</span></p><p style="text-align: right;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">maki.org.il <br /></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"> </p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8285433957148191622.post-5988031629912153192024-02-26T15:27:00.006+02:002024-02-26T15:27:51.976+02:00Colombian Communist Party denounces assassination of party member Ludivia Galindez Jiménez<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://pacocol.org/comunicado-publico-de-rechazo-por-el-asesinato-de-nuestra-camarada-ludivia-galindez-jimenez/" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;"></span></a></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiR4tcvTdzcxg4JmjdK3YU6CXHuaA4Q-Lic_in6MNgzwHMpF-_f9yzB-MqgXmCwHrD_vDUzrBftrRUDsuEvW281FK_hJa7jiFuTUflqAVYSOpRGFqKxTHDco8YdsrT8jZ2YbE6lhjC0neFKdSHuRl-nM8FM1x2SPlfjkYoSX20DZDY555J1UioMydwVi2YG/s860/Partido_Comunista_Colombiano.jpg" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="569" data-original-width="860" height="265" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiR4tcvTdzcxg4JmjdK3YU6CXHuaA4Q-Lic_in6MNgzwHMpF-_f9yzB-MqgXmCwHrD_vDUzrBftrRUDsuEvW281FK_hJa7jiFuTUflqAVYSOpRGFqKxTHDco8YdsrT8jZ2YbE6lhjC0neFKdSHuRl-nM8FM1x2SPlfjkYoSX20DZDY555J1UioMydwVi2YG/w400-h265/Partido_Comunista_Colombiano.jpg" width="400" /></a></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="Partido Comunista Colombiano" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">In a statement issued on 25 February 2024</span></a>, the Colombian Communist Party (Partido Comunista Colombiano) denounces the assassination of </span><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Ludivia Galindez Jiménez, a militant member of the local party leadership in the region of Caquetá.</span></div><p style="text-align: justify;"></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Jiménez was a staunch </span><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">defender of human rights and president of the Association of Community Action Boards of the municipality of La Montañita<span>, as well as a </span>leading member</span><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"> of the Standing Committee for the Defense of Human Rights (CPDH). </span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><span></span></span></p><a name='more'></a><p></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Ludivia Galindez Jiménez was murdered by an armed gang on </span><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">February 23, in her home, located in the city of Florencia, Caquetá.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">The Communist Party (PCC) "strongly condemns this act of violence, which has not only taken
away the life of a valuable militant, but also represents a direct
attack on our Party, continuing the attacks and persecution of our
community, perpetuating political genocide". </span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">PCC demands a thorough investigation by the competent authorities to bring those
responsible to justice.</span></span></p><div style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span><span><span><b> </b><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><span><span><span><span><span><span><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><span><span><span><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span style="font-family: Work Sans;"><b><span face="Verdana, sans-serif"><a href="http://www.idcommunism.com/" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">IN DEFENSE OF COMMUNISM</span></a> </span></b><span face="Verdana, sans-serif"><span style="background-color: white;">©</span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span><span><span style="font-family: Raleway;"> </span></span></span></span><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><br /></span></span></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8285433957148191622.post-78086863038104536652024-02-26T11:38:00.003+02:002024-02-26T11:38:45.355+02:00Putin and the unbearable hypocrisy of the West <p style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi6P14BlP1ZVzfyynRv5MQDFUEDiFrbjE47XsSk3YrCN5Vk3rsLm_2HVWMOt0TsRGyrH7ZZJZJrgnDH4T7TM0SPo3sl4LtZWBF-YQoO0loqv-x7f0j7X7N7BtsHm0bphp0aBozTgHX7K4iVHNrKvY_pi-0AYdH4n2r2CnU_qEo9fTKgknkWDYwzQ2plwjQe/s980/VLADIMIR%20PUTIN%20RUSSIA.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="551" data-original-width="980" height="250" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi6P14BlP1ZVzfyynRv5MQDFUEDiFrbjE47XsSk3YrCN5Vk3rsLm_2HVWMOt0TsRGyrH7ZZJZJrgnDH4T7TM0SPo3sl4LtZWBF-YQoO0loqv-x7f0j7X7N7BtsHm0bphp0aBozTgHX7K4iVHNrKvY_pi-0AYdH4n2r2CnU_qEo9fTKgknkWDYwzQ2plwjQe/w441-h250/VLADIMIR%20PUTIN%20RUSSIA.jpg" width="441" /></a></span></div><div style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">By <b>Nikos Mottas</b></span><br /></div><div><p></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Since the fall of the Soviet Union, western imperialism always seeks for a <b>“boogeyman”</b> in order to justify its crimes: In 1991 and 2003 it was <b>Saddam Hussein</b>, in 1998 it was <b>Slobodan Milosevic</b>, in 2001<b> Osama Bin Laden</b>, in<b> 2011 Muamar Qaddafi</b>, in <b>2013 Bashar Al-Ashad</b> and so on. </span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">During the last two years, as a consequence of the <a href="http://www.idcommunism.com/search/label/Ukraine%20War" target="_blank"><b><span style="color: #cc0000;">imperialist war in Ukraine</span></b></a>, the role of the <b>villain</b> in global politics has been given to Russia's President, <b>Vladimir Putin. </b></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b><span></span></b></span></p><a name='more'></a><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">The recent <b>death of Alexei Navalny</b> revived the anti-Putin tirade of western mainstream media. Once again, the US, NATO and EU are presenting themselves as the standard-bearers of the <b>“free world”</b> against <b>“Russian authoritarianism”. </b>Once again, the West is posing as the defender of “democracy” and “human rights” against Putin's dictatorship. <b>What an unbearably shameful hypocrisy! </b></span><br /><br /><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin, who today is portrayed by western leaders as a “dictator”, <b>is one of their own</b>. He is a <b>political offspring</b> of the <b>capitalist counterrevolution</b> in the Soviet Union. His political mentors include notorious anti-communists, like <b>Boris Yeltsin</b> and <b>Anatoly Sobchak.</b> Putin shares common values with all US Presidents and EU leaders; he is a proponent of <b>free market economy</b> and a <b>devoted anti-communist</b>. </span><br /><br /><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><b>The same West which today denounces Putin's “authoritarianism” is the same one that was celebrating his rise to power in August 1999</b>. Back then, they were welcoming the “liberal” and “democratic” leader who was taking over as Russia's PM at the behest of the then President Yeltsin. A few months later, Putin was appointed and then elected President of the Russian Federation. His commitment to the <b>liberalization of Russian economy</b> was highly appreciated by western leaders who were competing over who would invite him first for an official visit. After all, <b>anti-communism</b>, like capital, <b>tends to unite</b> all those who work for the exploitation of the working masses. </span><br /><br /><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Valentin <b>Yumashev</b>, one of Yeltsin's most trusted aids, played an important role in Putin becoming President. <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-50807747" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">During a BBC interview</span></a>, Yumachev said that Yeltsin “had several candidates in mind, like Boris Nemtsov, Sergei Stepashin and Nikolai Aksenenko. Yeltsin and I talked a lot about possible successors. At one point we discussed Putin. Yeltsin asked me: <b>'What do you think about Putin?</b>' I think he's a superb candidate, I replied. I think you should consider him. It's clear from the way he does his job that he's ready for more difficult tasks" (…) The fact that he was ex-KGB meant nothing. <b>Putin had shown himself to be a liberal and a democrat, who wanted to continue market reforms”</b>. </span><br /><br /><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">US President <b>Bill Clinton</b>, <a href="https://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/world/clinton-vows-to-co-operate-with-putin/article1038258/" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">who met Putin for first time in 2000</span></a>, agreed with Yumashev:<b> “Putin has expressed a genuine commitment to economic reform”</b>. When US and EU leaders talk about “economic reforms” we all know what they actually mean: More profitability for the monopolies, expansion of privatizations, complete dissolution of welfare state and further exploitation of the working class. <b>That is exactly what Vladimir Putin did in Russia in the last 20 years.</b></span><br /><br /><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Putin was the “good guy” and an ally of US, NATO and EU until 2007, <a href="https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Speech_and_the_Following_Discussion_at_the_Munich_Conference_on_Security_Policy" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">when he publicly declared</span></a> the strategic <b>intention of the Russian bourgeoisie</b> to assert more actively and aggressively its <b>upgraded position</b> in the <b>international imperialist system</b> and to <b>expand Russian monopolies' interests</b> in the rest of the world (3). What followed (armed conflict in Georgia, secession of South Osetia and Abhazia, US-backed Euromaidan in Ukraine, annexation of Crimea by Russia, etc) led to the escalation of inter-imperialist competition between Moscow and the West. </span></div><span><!--more--></span><span><!--more--></span><p></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Today, the Euro-Atlantic imperialist bloc tries to draw <b>false diving lines between the so-called “democratic” west and Russian “authoritarianism”.</b> But the plain truth is that <b>both sides are born and bred in the same capitalist system</b>; both of them <b>serve the same purpose</b> which is the profitability of their own monopolies at the people's expense. <br /><br />Two years since the beginning of the imperialist war in Ukraine, V.I. Lenin's words are more timely than ever before: <b>“The working class, in case it is conscious, will not support any group of imperialistic predators”. </b></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><span><b>* Nikos Mottas is the Editor-in-Chief of In Defense of Communism. </b></span></span></span><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><span><b> </b></span></span></span><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><span><b> </b> </span></span></span><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"> <br /></span></p></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8285433957148191622.post-72050967228060894402024-02-24T12:16:00.001+02:002024-02-24T12:20:33.541+02:00Turkey's Communist Party nominates journalist Orhan Gökdemir to run for Istanbul mayor<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi-3CYF4KqNn263fSSd_jbMSE5pvFsWEtLPLeXn8dUCpGoToXyTVD69Sh_WRtWpASB8FSt-3BeCS_sDMni5v9zswrywwU_quH4Y4pCGP79gb3NFKr_VD294weCvri488yLMlDnlVcHDtrOCYnmhnxYMSXJIza3V7fRz4Rgs1s1pr8qetEthjvT7MH4zZPZ0/s1280/istanbul%20tkp%20134.webp" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="720" data-original-width="1280" height="289" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi-3CYF4KqNn263fSSd_jbMSE5pvFsWEtLPLeXn8dUCpGoToXyTVD69Sh_WRtWpASB8FSt-3BeCS_sDMni5v9zswrywwU_quH4Y4pCGP79gb3NFKr_VD294weCvri488yLMlDnlVcHDtrOCYnmhnxYMSXJIza3V7fRz4Rgs1s1pr8qetEthjvT7MH4zZPZ0/w455-h289/istanbul%20tkp%20134.webp" width="455" /></a></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">In a meeting held at Nazim Hikmet Cultural Center in Istanbul, the <a href="http://www.idcommunism.com/search/label/Communist%20Party%20of%20Turkey%20%28TKP%29" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">Communist Party of Turkey</span></a> (TKP) presented its candidates for the local elections that are scheduled to take place on 31 March 2024. </span></div><p></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span class="field-content"></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium; vertical-align: inherit;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; vertical-align: inherit;">TKP General Secretary Kemal Okuyan underlined: “We are a Marxist party. </span><span style="font-family: Raleway; vertical-align: inherit;">We know that it is the central political power that will change everything. </span><span style="font-family: Raleway; vertical-align: inherit;">"However, local elections offer the opportunity to create some cracks in the order", he said.</span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium; vertical-align: inherit;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; vertical-align: inherit;"><span></span></span></span></p><a name='more'></a><p></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium; vertical-align: inherit;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; vertical-align: inherit;">The Communist Party's candidate for Istanbul's metropolitan municipality is 61 year-old journalist and writer <a href="https://twitter.com/gokdemirorhan" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">Orhan Gökdemir</span></a>. </span></span><span class="field-content"><span style="font-size: medium; vertical-align: inherit;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; vertical-align: inherit;">Gökdemir aspires to express the alternative people's choice between current mayor Ekrem Imamoglu (supported by the Republican People's Party) and AKP's Murat Kurum. </span></span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span class="field-content" style="font-family: Raleway;"><span style="vertical-align: inherit;"><span style="vertical-align: inherit;">In a surprise move, the Communist Party nominated </span></span></span><span style="font-family: Raleway;">Fatih Mehmet Maçoğlu, the current communist mayor in eastern Tunceli city, for Istanbul's Kadıköy, a district traditionally governed by the main opposition Republican People's Party (CHP). A popular figure in Tunceli, </span></span><span class="field-content"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">Maçoğlu seems to have a high approval rate also among </span></span></span><span class="field-content"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">Kadıköy voters, despite the dominance of CHP. </span></span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span class="field-content"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;">Among others, TKP candidates are: </span></span></span><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><span>Ali Ufuk Arikan</span> in Ankara municipality, Savaş Sarı in Izmir, </span></span><span class="LEwnzc Sqrs4e"></span><span><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Nazlı Ece Mutlu in Antalya. For the earthquake-ridden Hatay provice, the Communist Party has nominated </span></span><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Dr. Endam Köybasi for the major municipality. </span></p><p></p><div style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span><span><span><b> </b><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><span><span><span><span><span><span><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><span><span><span><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span style="font-family: Work Sans;"><b><span face="Verdana, sans-serif"><a href="http://www.idcommunism.com/" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">IN DEFENSE OF COMMUNISM</span></a> </span></b><span face="Verdana, sans-serif"><span style="background-color: white;">©</span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span><span><span style="font-family: Raleway;"> </span></span></span></span><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><br /></span></span></div><p style="text-align: justify;"><span class="field-content"></span></p><p></p><p></p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8285433957148191622.post-62992267419536722802024-02-23T19:06:00.003+02:002024-02-24T00:01:17.162+02:00European Communist Action: Statement on the two years since the imperialist war in Ukraine<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: Raleway;"></span></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhdc2pELjayZaX7hpcn7jKL2S_gMHsCtWaXWWJbIBpMMDiWXTYenyEXG10wxaS90acTIZxk_oK-TnSEBHOgcIRje8ty25nCEcxT1Vrg_9Z0WnxJklTeWbu4ZNtU5zffktUp4eD5WqIUZXcKg8ryShgp0-0f-IyprakF37OGEyn-sUGp_jWNbn5DP6kUTPuB/s850/UkraineWar_ECA1.jpg_1449415743.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="486" data-original-width="850" height="278" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhdc2pELjayZaX7hpcn7jKL2S_gMHsCtWaXWWJbIBpMMDiWXTYenyEXG10wxaS90acTIZxk_oK-TnSEBHOgcIRje8ty25nCEcxT1Vrg_9Z0WnxJklTeWbu4ZNtU5zffktUp4eD5WqIUZXcKg8ryShgp0-0f-IyprakF37OGEyn-sUGp_jWNbn5DP6kUTPuB/w472-h278/UkraineWar_ECA1.jpg_1449415743.jpg" width="472" /></a></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">Joint statement of the <b><a href="http://www.idcommunism.com/search/label/European%20Communist%20Action" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">European Communist Action</span></a></b> following the conference held on Saturday 17 February, on the occasion of the 2nd anniversary of the <b><a href="http://www.idcommunism.com/search/label/Ukraine%20War" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">imperialist war in Ukraine</span></a></b>, under the title <b>"Two Years Since the Imperialist War in Ukraine: The Experience and Conclusions of the Communists"</b>:</span></div><p></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">"We, the communist and workers' parties which constitute the European
Communist Action, came together at the conference organised in the
second year of the imperialist war in Ukraine in order to evaluate the
experiences and conclusions of the communists during the period we have
left behind.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;"><span></span></span></p><a name='more'></a><p></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">On February 17, following the conference which was hosted by the
Communist Party of Turkey in Istanbul, we declare that we act with the
following joint approach and attitude:</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">1. The imperialist war in Ukraine has led to thousands of deaths.
Millions were forced to leave their homes and country. This imperialist
war is an extension of the conditions that emerged after the dissolution
of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, and which have tragic
consequences for the working classes all over the world. It was the
overthrow of socialism that prepared the ground for this war, in which
the blood of two peoples who worked together for decades to build a new
society on socialist foundations, who fought shoulder to shoulder
against fascism and brought it to its knees, is being shed.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">2. The most important factor fuelling the conflict on this ground, is
the fight among capitalists for the plundering of all underground and
surface resources, the wealth produced by the workers. At the root of
this conflict lies the competition and contradictions within the
imperialist system as a whole, which in this case were expressed in the
expansion of NATO and the EU to the east and the aspiration of the
Russian bourgeoisie to establish new forms of organisations of
capitalist states in the territories of the former USSR.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">3. Competition within the imperialist system is escalating and
contradictions are deepening. The attempts by the USA, the EU and their
allies to impose their own interests on the international arena, against
capitalist Russia and the countries supporting it, have been going on
for years. In the last two years this has expressed itself in the form
of an imperialist war in Ukraine. The increasing competition is for the
raw material and energy resources, geostrategical footings and transport
routes in the region.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">4. From the very first day of the war, the Russian leadership has
justified its military intervention in Ukraine on the grounds that the
above-mentioned expansion threatens Russia's security. Regardless of
whether this threat is founded or not, it cannot be used as a
justification for the violation of the existing borders and new
bloodshed of the peoples. The discussions initiated to dispute the
existing borders mainly aim to generate pretexts that legitimise
imperialist aggression and must be rejected. Moreover, our parties have
to remember that “security purposes” have been applied for years by the
USA, the EU and NATO as a justification for bloody operations in
countless countries, for interventions and occupations in the
territories under the sovereignty of those countries.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">5. The protagonists of the war are not the peoples of the two
countries but their capitalist classes. Presenting the war as a war
between Ukraine and Russia obscures the real actors of the war and makes
it difficult to understand its class character. The ongoing war is
being waged between the Russian capitalist class and its allies on the
one hand, the Ukrainian capitalist class, the USA, the EU and NATO on
the other hand.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">6. The war being waged on the territory of Ukraine, is not an
anti-imperialist or anti-fascist war, as claimed by the leadership of
capitalist Russia and its apologists, a fact that our parties have
pointed out from the beginning and has been proven many times in the
past two years. Although the Russian leadership claims that its main
objective in continuing the war is the denazification of the region and
aims to break the siege by the Western bloc, it is clear that the main
motivation behind is the protection of the interests of the Russian
capitalist class in the wider region. Moreover, the values that
characterise today's Russia have nothing to do with those of the Soviet
Union which had defeated fascism. Capitalist Russia has nothing to offer
to humanity in the face of Euro-Atlantic imperialism. The Soviet Union
was the mainstay of the people’s struggle for peace and socialism, while
the leadership of Russia today makes statements about whether a nation
exists or not, claiming that there are no such people as the Ukrainian
people.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">7. One of the most important elements showing the class character of
this war is anti-communism, which is being intentionally raised in the
region. The activities of the fascist forces in Ukraine and their crimes
against humanity, bans and persecution towards communists continue. The
Russian leadership, on the other hand, distorts scientific and
historical facts in order to justify its strategic plans, and confronts
Russia's socialist past with false and distorted claims concerning
Lenin, Stalin and the policies of the Soviet Union. Our Parties will
continue to fight creatively against the anti- communist hysteria
fuelled by all the actors in the war, to increase solidarity with
Ukrainian and Russian communists and not allow the legacy of socialism
to be defiled.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">8. Moreover, our parties, which are at the forefront of the struggle
against foreign bases and the sending of troops and military equipment
abroad, call upon the workers, who see the contradictions expressed
within the imperialist blocs and organizations, to show no trust in
proclamations that a “multipolar world” will supposedly stop this or any
other imperialist war and will lead to a peaceful world, without the
overthrow of the capitalist system, which is the cause of imperialist
wars.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">9. The war on the territory of Ukraine, as the imperialist plans in
the Red Sea, in Southeast Asia, etc., carry the risk of the war rapidly
spreading to a global scale. Indicators such as the increasing tension
in the Black Sea, the NATO Secretary General's suggestion to European
countries to increase their weapon production with reference to the war
in Ukraine, and NATO's exercises that are increasing in scope and scale
are important in this respect and indicative of the escalation of the
military confrontation.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">10. These developments impose on us, as communist and workers'
parties of the European countries, which are in the sphere of influence
of this tension at different levels, the task of warning and mobilising
the peoples of our own countries against the threat of a regional or a
more generalised imperialist war, and of opposing the interests and role
of the bourgeois classes of our own countries in this tension.<br /></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">11. We do not choose one side of the war over the other. The
contradictions within the imperialist system, the competition and
bargaining that go hand in hand, the false polarisations that serve to
make the class antagonism invisible have repeatedly shown in the
practice of the past two years that they cannot offer anything in the
interests of the working peoples; on the contrary, it has become clear
that an approach subjugated to the pretexts used by the imperialists
will mean a regression from the revolutionary position and the display
of a class-compromising attitude.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">12. Our parties emphasize that the real choice is not between the
so-called poles within the imperialist system but between the working
people and the capitalist class. They remind us that the struggle of the
working class can be strengthened with an independent line, far from
all bourgeois and imperialist plans, and that the peoples, through their
struggle, must oppose imperialist wars.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">13. This is our call. We do not make an abstract call for peace,
which is not clear to whom it is addressed and which serves to exonerate
the capitalist class and the actors within the imperialist system. For a
real sense of peace, we call for a struggle against NATO, the EU and
all kinds of imperialist organizations and alliances that continue to
fuel the war, we point to the need to expose the class character of
capitalist alliances, and we declare that we will stand in solidarity
with the working class movement and communists in these countries.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">14. We continue the struggle for the withdrawal of foreign troops and
the closure of bases in other countries, especially those of the USA,
starting with our own countries. We act with the task of preventing our
countries from being part of and implementing imperialist plans and of
withdrawing them from imperialist unions such as NATO and the EU, with
the peoples masters in their own land.</span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">15. In the face of this war, which has a tendency to generalise, we
declare once again that we will continue to be the voice of the working
peoples' demands for peace, social justice and socialism maintaining a
steadfast front against nationalism, racism, fascism, and militarism."</span></p><p style="text-align: right;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium;">eurcomact.org</span><br /></p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8285433957148191622.post-43236753789112823732024-02-22T23:05:00.006+02:002024-02-22T23:05:57.857+02:00Spain: PCTE will participate in 2024 European elections<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium; vertical-align: inherit;"><span style="vertical-align: inherit;"></span></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium; vertical-align: inherit;"><span style="vertical-align: inherit;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg8X1z_McZkSTtle1OPsQfEs-IIbON73GJunoqFZRTzbFh-GwiwjFcJ82q8QGyLLtoKMmoNfdT-ugdedNi0U4YsRL-1X7kUNBTzCSceLJJ2J26GpR7VO1kleupQt0LXc8vFFUqXzIzppLOZlYLZE84yvJFHkcOEu4KqaOGfPex48p-qaasrKnsi5pRLxGuz/s1600/pcte%20antiimperialist%20rally%20madrid.jpg" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="900" data-original-width="1600" height="259" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg8X1z_McZkSTtle1OPsQfEs-IIbON73GJunoqFZRTzbFh-GwiwjFcJ82q8QGyLLtoKMmoNfdT-ugdedNi0U4YsRL-1X7kUNBTzCSceLJJ2J26GpR7VO1kleupQt0LXc8vFFUqXzIzppLOZlYLZE84yvJFHkcOEu4KqaOGfPex48p-qaasrKnsi5pRLxGuz/w443-h259/pcte%20antiimperialist%20rally%20madrid.jpg" width="443" /></a></span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium; vertical-align: inherit;"><span style="vertical-align: inherit;">At
its IX Plenary Session of the Central Committee, the <a href="http://www.idcommunism.com/search/label/Communist%20Party%20of%20the%20Workers%20of%20Spain%20%28PCTE%29" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">Communist Party of the Workers of Spain</span></a> (PCTE) decided to run in the European elections that will be
held in the country on June 9, 2024. </span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium; vertical-align: inherit;"><span style="vertical-align: inherit;"> </span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium; vertical-align: inherit;"><span style="vertical-align: inherit;">The PCTE considers as essential that the
communist ballot be present in the polling stations, that the workers
know and can opt for an independent option that supports leaving the
<a href="https://www.idcommunism.com/search/label/EU" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">European Union</span></a>.</span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium; vertical-align: inherit;"><span style="vertical-align: inherit;"><span><a name='more'></a></span></span></span></div><p></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium; vertical-align: inherit;"><span style="vertical-align: inherit;"><a href="https://www.pcte.es/comunicados-centrales/el-pcte-estara-presente-en-las-elecciones-europeas-de-2024/" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">According to a statement</span></a>, PCTE ballot </span></span><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium; vertical-align: inherit;"><span style="vertical-align: inherit;">will be headed by Javier Martín, a member of the Political Bureau of
the Party with experience in the cultural and union world, accompanied by
militants, workers, colleagues from various labor sectors and social
spheres with long experiences of struggle.</span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium; vertical-align: inherit;"><span style="vertical-align: inherit;">The PCTE's ballot and political proposal </span></span><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium; vertical-align: inherit;"><span style="vertical-align: inherit;">stands against those who speak in the name of the "people"
but want to restrict our rights and our lives to the mandates that come
from Brussels, against the reactionary "Eurosceptics" who try to pit
some workers against others and who do not They defend more than another
capitalist management model; </span><span style="vertical-align: inherit;">for the unilateral and revolutionary break with the EU.</span></span><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium; vertical-align: inherit;"><span style="vertical-align: inherit;"> </span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium; vertical-align: inherit;"><span style="vertical-align: inherit;">A
political proposal of opposition in the shadow of "austerity" that once
again darkens Europe with the purpose of putting the need for savings
of European capitalist states on the shoulders of the working class</span></span><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium; vertical-align: inherit;"><span style="vertical-align: inherit;"> </span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Raleway; font-size: medium; vertical-align: inherit;"><span style="vertical-align: inherit;">PCTE states that its candidacy "is
a commitment for the working class to recover its lost political leadership, to once again assert its interests and needs, to once again
walk its own path, a path of struggle and international solidarity. </span><span style="vertical-align: inherit;">And
in this we will not be alone, in many other European countries the
parties organized in the European Communist Action will defend the same
proposals, showing that, in the face of the shadow of exploitation and
war, that ghost that makes governments tremble once again runs through
Europe. and bosses, to war criminals, false friends of the people,
corrupt and exploiters: the ghost of communism". </span></span></p><div style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span><span><span><b> </b><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><span><span><span><span><span><span><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><span><span><span><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span style="font-family: Work Sans;"><b><span face="Verdana, sans-serif"><a href="http://www.idcommunism.com/" target="_blank"><span style="color: #cc0000;">IN DEFENSE OF COMMUNISM</span></a> </span></b><span face="Verdana, sans-serif"><span style="background-color: white;">©</span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span><span><span style="font-family: Raleway;"> </span></span></span></span><span style="font-family: Raleway;"><br /></span></span></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com